Nipa David Swanson, Okudu 28, 2017, Jẹ ki Gbiyanju Tiwantiwa.
Submitted to the July 2, 2017, conference “United States, Human Rights and Discourse of Domination,” hosted by the University of Tehran and the Iranian World Studies Association.
I’m very sorry not to be there in person and am grateful to Foad Izadi for allowing me to submit this instead. I’m a critic of the institution of war and of all military violence, as well as of all antidemocratic government and all violation of civil liberties. People in Iran, the United States, and 151 other countries have signed a petition I helped start at WorldBeyondWar.org committing to work for the end of all war.
There is much that I might criticize, even from my position of relative ignorance, in the Iranian government. But there is much more that I can and must criticize in the U.S. government. And there are reasons why that focus is appropriate. (I encourage you to confront your injustices better than I could and to request any help when you want it.)
- I’m in the United States and most likely to have an impact here
- The United States has overthrown the Iranian government, supported Iraq in a war against Iran, threatened to attack again, threatened a nuclear first strike, lied about Iran, sanctioned Iran, used cyber attacks and small-scale violence against Iran, surrounded Iran with military bases and weapons, and demonized Iran to such an extent that in a Gallup poll in 65 countries a few years ago, the majority of countries named the United States the greatest threat to peace in the world, but people in the United States named Iran.
- Iran spends less than 1% what the U.S. does on war preparations, has no bases on U.S. borders, is not threatening to attack the United States, has not put the United States in an axis of evil or a list of terrorist entities, and is not engaged in the level of militarism or environmental destruction that has become routine for Washington.
Are you familiar with Jeffrey Sterling? He should be honored in Iran. He is imprisoned in the United States. He worked at the CIA and learned that the CIA was giving Iran flawed plans to build a nuclear bomb, clearly with the intent of framing Iran. The CIA went from that project straight to a similar operation on Iraq. Sterling went to Congress and was turned away. A New York Times journalist named James Risen took up the story and was unable to get the New York Times to print it, but published it in a book. Without evidence, Sterling was prosecuted and convicted of the democratic good deed of informing the public that the CIA was recklessly and with malicious intent proliferating nuclear weapons technology, the “flaws” in which were easily spottable by actual scientists. If Iran imprisoned a whistleblower in a similar situation, there would be an uproar in the United States, demands to free him or her, and possibly campaigns to get them a Nobel Peace Prize. I hope you all can give some thought to and make some noise for Jeffrey Sterling.
I want to include for you here something I wrote recently about sanctions:
Ile-igbimọ Ile-iṣẹ Amẹrika ni pọ sii awọn ijiya si awọn eniyan Iran ati Russia, ti Ile ati Aare ba lọ. Idibo Alagba ilu ni 98-2, pẹlu awọn Senators Rand Paul ati Bernie Sanders idibo ko si, awọn igbehin pelu atilẹyin rẹ fun idaji Russian ti owo naa.
Iwe-owo naa ni a npe ni "Igbesẹ lati pese atunyẹwo Kongiresonali ati lati dabobo ijanilaya ti awọn Irania ati Russia."
"Aggression" jẹ ọrọ ti awọn aworan ti o tumọ lati sọ ohun kan bi ohun ti o tumọ fun ologun US lati fi ẹsùn kan ọkọ ofurufu Siria ni Siria ti ifunibalẹ lodi si awọn ọmọ-ogun Amẹrika ṣaaju ki o to gbe ni isalẹ. Ni ofin, aggressor ni Ilu Amẹrika ni awọn ipo mejeeji (ni ogun Siria ati ni ibamu si awọn idajọ wọnyi), ṣugbọn o fẹrẹ ṣe idaniloju lodi si ijakadi AMẸRIKA ti a rii ni Washington, DC, bi ibanujẹ ti ko yẹ.
Ayẹwo otitọ ti iṣeduro AMẸRIKA ti awọn idiwọ ti wa ni titan Investopedia.com: "Awọn iṣẹ-ogun kii ṣe aṣayan nikan fun awọn orilẹ-ede to wa larin iṣaro iṣoro. Dipo, awọn idinilẹ-ede aje jẹ ọna lẹsẹkẹsẹ fun Amẹrika lati fagile lori awọn orilẹ-ede alailẹgbẹ lai gbe aye lori ila. "
"Awọn iṣẹ-ogun," a gbọdọ akiyesi, jẹ iṣẹ-ṣiṣe ọdaràn labẹ Isakoso UN ati labe ilana Kellogg-Briand. Kii ṣe "iṣelu nipasẹ awọn ọna miiran," ṣugbọn kuku ni iṣẹ ti o ṣe pataki. Nigba ti orile-ede kan ti o ni ariyanjiyan ka awọn iwa-ipa miiran ti o ṣeeṣe bi awọn iyatọ si ogun ki o si ṣe ifaramọ, awọn abajade jẹ kere si iwa-ipa ṣugbọn kii ṣe nigbagbogbo ni irora. Awọn idilọwọ US lori Iraq ṣaaju si 2003 pa o kere ju milionu 1.7, pẹlu o kere 0.5 milionu ọmọde, ni ibamu si Ajo Agbaye (ohun kan lẹhinna-Akowe ti Ipinle Madeleine Albright sọ pe "o tọ ọ"). Nitorina, awọn ijiya ṣe "fi aye si ila," ṣugbọn wọn jẹ awọn irinṣe ti ọpa kan, kii ṣe ti idajọ agbaye "ti n ṣabọ si isalẹ" lori awọn agbọn.
Gege bi "iṣẹ-ogun," awọn idiwọ ko ṣiṣẹ lori awọn ọrọ ti ara wọn. Awọn idiwọ AMẸRIKA lori Ariwa koria ti kuna lati ṣubu ijọba naa, ati pe awọn eniyan papọ ni igbadun, fun ọdun 67. Itan kanna pẹlu Kuba fun ọdun 57 ti o ti kọja. Ati Iran fun awọn ọdun 38 ti o ti kọja. Nigbati mo wa ni Russia laipe, awọn alatako alakoko ti Vladimir Putin sọ fun mi pe wọn ki yoo ṣe ẹsùn si i titi ti awọn ipinlẹ naa yoo pari.
Dajudaju, ti o ba jẹ pe ipinnu ko ni iparun ti ile ṣugbọn igbega ti oludari orilẹ-ede tabi ologun ti yoo ṣe ọta ti o dara lati mu ki ogun jagun, lẹhinna o ṣe ariyanjiyan pe awọn ami ami ti o ṣe aṣeyọri ni aseyori ni ariwa Korea, nigba ti awọn Iranians tun yan dede, ati pe ipari Putin ti o tutu pupọ gbọdọ jẹ ibanujẹ pupọ.
AMẸRIKA ko ṣe awọn ijẹmọ bi awọn ohun elo ti ipaniyan ati ipọnju, ṣugbọn eyi ni ohun ti wọn jẹ. Awọn eniyan Russian ati Iranin ti n jiya tẹlẹ labẹ awọn ikọlu AMẸRIKA, awọn Irani julọ julọ. Ṣugbọn awọn mejeeji gba igberaga ati ki o wa ni idaniloju ninu iṣoro naa, gẹgẹ bi awọn eniyan ti npa ogun. Ni Russia, awọn idiyele ti wa ni nfa anfani ti ogbin, gẹgẹ bi wọn ti ṣe ni ilu Cuba. Pataki ni iya ti iṣajẹ ounjẹ. Ṣi, awọn ijiya ni ibigbogbo ati gidi. Nilẹ atunṣe idajọ ni ilu Cuba jẹ iṣẹ ọdaràn ti yoo fa iku (pẹlu iku awọn ilu US ti ko ni anfani si awọn oogun Cuba).
AMẸRIKA ṣe akiyesi awọn idiwọ rẹ bi ofin ofin dipo iwujẹ ofin. Awọn ofin ti awọn ile-igbimọ ti fi ofin mu Iran fun awọn iṣiro ile ati fun atilẹyin awọn onijagidijagan ati awọn insurgents. Orilẹ Amẹrika, dajudaju, Iran jina julo ni awọn akiyesi mejeeji, ati awọn iṣiro awọn iṣiro jẹ (ibanuje) ko ṣẹ si eyikeyi ofin. Ipanilaya nla-nla, tun mọ bi ogun, jẹ, sibẹsibẹ, ni ibi ti ọdaràn AMẸRIKA ti daadaa Iran ati Russia.
Iwe-owo kanna ni o sọ Amẹrika "alayeyeye" US pẹlu "ṣe ayẹwo" ni January pe "Aare Russia Vladimir Putin pàṣẹ fun ipolongo ipa kan ni 2016 ti o ni imọran ni idibo idibo Amẹrika." Bayi ni Russia duro ni ẹsun (lai si ẹri ti ẹri) ti ipalara Idaabobo cyber ati awọn idibo, ohun ti Amẹrika njẹ ni aye ni. Ni afikun, Russia ti fi ẹsun kan ti "ifunibalẹ" ni Ukraine, ohun kan ti o ṣe igbadun igbasilẹ iwa-ipa ni Kiev ko han ni afikun. Nigbana ni o wa "awọn ẹtọ ẹtọ ẹtọ eniyan" ati "ibajẹ laarin Russia."
Ti o ba jẹ eyikeyi ipa fun eto agbaye ti idajọ lati koju awọn iru ọrọ bẹẹ, ko si ipa fun ijọba AMẸRIKA, iṣeduro ti o tobi julo ni ilẹ aiye, ti o tobi julo ti awọn eniyan lori ilẹ, onibija ti o tobi julọ ti epo ni ilẹ, ati ijoba kan ti o ti fi ẹbun bribery ṣe ofin, lati ṣe bẹ.
Awọn orun ti awọn idiwọ ni iwe-owo tuntun yii, gẹgẹbi ninu awọn ilana idajọ ti o wa tẹlẹ lori awọn orilẹ-ede pupọ, ṣe asopọ alabọ. Diẹ ninu awọn idiyele ti o ni ifojusi awọn eto eda eniyan, nigba ti awọn ẹlomiran ni o ni ifojusi si idije-aje - ati idije ibaraẹnisọrọ. Orisirisi awọn iṣẹ ti wa ni ifojusi fun bibajẹ. Ṣiṣẹjade ijabọ kan lori awqn awqn awqn rvg ti Rwqwq - bi pe Amẹrika ko tun ni alakoso ni igbega si awqn ara ilu ti o wa ni ilu miiran.
Iwọn awọ fadaka nibi, bakanna - ni airotẹlẹ - apakan ti ofin ti o kere julọ lati ṣe itẹwọgba White House ni igbiyanju lati dènà awọn epo pipẹ ti Russian. Akowe Akowe Exxon Mobil ko le dun. Ti Russophobia wa lati fi oju ojo pamọ lati ọpọlọpọ erogba carbon, ati pe ki o ṣe itẹwọgba lati beere idibo ti a ṣayẹwo ni kika awọn idibo AMẸRIKA, nibẹ ni yoo jẹ ohun ti o ni ariyanjiyan nipa bi eniyan ṣe sunmọ eti.
Lai ṣe dandan lati sọ, a fẹ dara ju pipa awọn idiyele pẹlu ogun bi awọn alaiṣẹ, aiṣedede, awọn ibanujẹ ibajẹ ni aye ti o nilo ifowosowopo, idariji, ati ilara bi ko ti ni ṣaaju. Nigba ti ijọba Soviet ti ba ara rẹ kuro, ti fi aṣẹ silẹ ti ilu-igbimọ, ati pe ẹjọ lati darapo pẹlu EU ati NATO, ati lati papọ pẹlu iṣọkan, ijọba US ṣe kedere pe o ṣe pataki si ohun ti o ga ju imukuro lọ. Ati pe eyi ni eyi: mimu awọn ọta. Awọn ipinlẹ ṣe ipinnu idi naa pẹlu Russia ati Iran: nwọn ṣetọju awọn ọta, wọn n ta awọn ohun ija.
Wọn tun pese ilẹ, gẹgẹ bi ni Iraq, fun ogun. Awọn ohun ija iparun ti Russia, igbesi-aye Islamophobia ti o lagbara, iṣedede ẹlẹyamẹya ti Amẹrika, ati ipo ti awọn ologun AMẸRIKA ni agbegbe naa ṣe irohin irohin fun Iran gẹgẹ bi o ti jẹ pe o jẹ olufaragba. Ati pe ti ogun Amẹrika ba ti gbekalẹ si Iran, a le gbọ lati ile ipade ti Washington lati jẹ idalare fun ogun ni ijẹwọ ti iṣaju yii: "Daradara, a gbiyanju awọn idiwọ ati pe ko ṣiṣẹ."
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Of course the major focus in Washington at the moment — though it changes from day to day, with so many different wars to pay attention to — is on Syria, where the U.S. risks war with Iran and Russia among others. The very most courageous members of the U.S. Congress want the U.S. to bomb Syria as much as Donald Trump might care to, but to make sure that Congress authorizes it first. Otherwise it will simply happen without Congressional authorization, but with Congressional acceptance and funding. This is what passes for a discussion of the legality of war in Washington.
Of course since 1929 war has been entirely banned by the Kellogg-Briand Pact to which the U.S. and Persia were original parties. And since 1945 most wars, including all current U.S. wars, and including any U.S. war on Syria whether authorized by Congress or not, have been banned by the U.N. Charter. There is an unwritten rule in the United States: Thou shalt not mention such laws. Even major Western human rights organization like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch take a principled position against acknowledging such laws. But this position does not extend to wars by others outside the U.S. orbit. When Iraq attacked Kuwait that was immediately denounced as a violation of laws otherwise carefully avoided.
If we are going to change this situation, I think, we need to take on the evil nature of warfare together, to recognize that there are nonviolent tools that can do better anything that war can do. We need to build understanding between people in the United States and people in Iran and together in a coordinated manner overcome the corruption and hatred and backwardness of our “leaders.” I’d like to see joint and simultaneous demonstrations for peace in Iran and the United States. And I hope at some point to meet you all in person.
Ninu Alaafia,
David Swanson
