Rikici na zamaninmu: US Imperialism da Dokar Shari'a

By Nicolas JS Davies, World BEYOND War

Duniya tana fuskantar matsaloli masu yawa: rikicin rikici na yanki daga Kashmir zuwa Venezuela; hare-haren da aka yi a Afghanistan, Siriya, Yemen da kuma Somalia; da kuma hadarin da ke tattare da makaman nukiliya, sauyin yanayi, da kuma mummuna.

Amma a ƙarƙashin dukkanin waɗannan rikice-rikicen, al'ummar ɗan adam na fuskantar rikice-rikice na asali, wanda ba a warware shi ba game da wane ko menene ke mulkin duniyarmu kuma wanda dole ne ya yanke shawara mai mahimmanci game da yadda za a magance duk waɗannan matsalolin - ko za mu magance su kwata-kwata. Rikicin da ke haifar da cancanta da iko wanda ke sa yawancin matsalolinmu kusan ba za mu iya magance su ba shi ne rikici tsakanin masarautar Amurka da bin doka.

Harkokin mulkin mallaka yana nufin cewa gwamnati mai iko ta mallake wasu sarakuna da mutane a duk faɗin duniya, kuma yana yanke shawara mai tsanani game da yadda za a gudanar da su kuma a karkashin irin tsarin tattalin arziki da za su rayu.

A gefe guda, tsarin mu na yanzu na kasa da kasa, bisa ga Yarjejeniya Ta Duniya da sauran yarjeniyoyin kasa da kasa, suna yarda da kasashe a matsayin masu cin gashin kansu da 'yanci, tare da muhimman hakkoki na gudanar da kansu da kuma sasanta yarjeniyoyi game da dangantakar su ta siyasa da tattalin arziki. A karkashin dokar kasa da kasa, yarjeniyoyin bangarori da dama wadanda suka rattaba hannu kuma suka amince da su sun zama wani bangare na tsarin dokar kasa da kasa da ta rataya akan dukkan kasashe, daga karami zuwa mafi karfi.

A cikin labarin da suka gabata, "Tsarin Hidimar Kira na Amurka," Na binciko wasu hanyoyin da Amurka take amfani da su kan masarauta akan sauran masu fada-a-ji, kasashe masu zaman kansu da 'yan kasa. Na ambaci masanin ilimin ɗan adam Darryl Li's nazarin al'adu na ta'addanci da ake zargi da ta'addanci a Bosnia, wanda ya bayyana tsarin mulkin mallaka a karkashin abin da mutane kewayen duniya ba kawai ke ƙarƙashin mulkin mallaka na ƙasashensu ba, har ma da ikon sarauta na gwamnatin Amurka.

Na bayyana yadda Julian Assange ya kama shi a Ofishin Jakadancin Ecuador na London da kuma Huawei CFO Meng Wanzhou, wanda aka tsare a yayin da suke canza jiragen sama a filin jirgin sama ta Vancouver, wadanda ke fama da irin wannan ikon mulkin mallaka a Amurka. a duk duniya kuma ana jefa su har zuwa wani lokaci, tsare-tsare a kan Guantanamo Bay da sauran gidajen yarin Amurka.

Duk da yake aikin Darryl Li yana da matukar mahimmanci a cikin abin da ya bayyana game da ainihin tsarin mulkin mallaka wanda Amurka ke aiwatar da ikon mulkin mallaka, mulkin mallaka na Amurka ya fi motsa jiki kamawa da tsare mutane a wasu kasashen. Yawancin rikice-rikicen yau da kullun na duniya sakamakon wannan tsarin ne na ƙari, ikon mallakar masarautar Amurka yana aiki.

Wadannan rikice-rikicen duk suna nuna yadda Amurka ke amfani da ikon mulkin mallaka, yadda wannan ya yi karo da kuma lalata tsarin dokar kasa da kasa da aka kirkira sosai don tafiyar da al'amuran duniya a cikin zamani na zamani, da kuma yadda wannan rikice-rikicen asali na halal ke hana mu warware matsalar mafi munin matsaloli da muke fuskanta a ƙarni na 21 - kuma don haka ya zama haɗarin mu duka.

Harkokin Wakilan Kasuwanci na {asar Amirka, na Yarda Zalunci da Rikici

An yi Yarjejeniya ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya a ƙarshen yakin duniya na biyu don hana sake komawa da zubar da jinin duniya da hargitsi na duniya na Wars Duniya guda biyu. Gidan na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, Shugaban Amurka, Franklin Roosevelt, ya riga ya mutu, amma mummunan yakin duniya ya kasance cikakke a zukatan wasu shugabannin don tabbatar da cewa sun amince da zaman lafiya a matsayin muhimmiyar mahimmanci ga al'amuran duniya da ka'idojin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya.

Ci gaban makaman nukiliya ya ba da shawarar cewa yakin duniya na gaba na iya lalata wayewar ɗan Adam gaba ɗaya, kuma saboda haka ba dole ne a taɓa yaƙe ta ba. Kamar yadda Albert Einstein ya shahara da gaya wa mai tambayoyin, "Ban san yadda za a yi Yaƙin Duniya na Uku ba, amma zan iya gaya muku abin da za su yi amfani da shi a na huɗu: duwatsu!"

Shugabannin duniya sun sanya sa hannu ga Yarjejeniya Ta Duniya, yarjejeniyar da ta haramta cewa ta haramta barazanar ko amfani da karfi ta kowace ƙasa da wani. Majalisar Dattijai ta Amurka ta koyi darasi mai zurfi game da rashin amincewa da yarjejeniyar yarjejeniya ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya bayan yakin duniya na farko, kuma ta yanke shawarar tabbatar da Yarjejeniya ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ba tare da ajiyar 98 ba.

An yi barazanar yaƙe-yaƙe na Warsin Koriya da Vietnam a cikin hanyoyi da suka kori Yarjejeniya Ta Duniyaharamtacciyar amfani da karfi, tare da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ko sojojin Amurka da ke yakar "kare" sabon jihohin neocolonial da aka zana daga cikin rushewar mulkin mallaka na kasar Japan da Faransa.

Amma bayan ƙarshen Yakin Cold, shugabannin Amurka da magoya bayansu sun yarda da abin da tsohon shugaban kasar Soviet Mikhail Gorbachev yanzu ke nufi a matsayin Western "triumphalism, " hangen nesa na mulkin “dunkulalliyar duniya” yadda yakamata ta kasance karkashin ikon “manyan kasashe masu karfi,” Amurka. Masarautar Amurka ta fadada tattalin arziki, siyasa da karfin soji zuwa Gabashin Turai kuma jami'an Amurka sun yi imanin cewa a karshe za su iya "gudanar da ayyukan soja a Gabas ta Tsakiya ba tare da damuwa game da haifar da Yakin Duniya na Uku ba," kamar yadda Michael Mandelbaum na Majalisar kan Harkokin Hulda da Kasashen waje ƙulla a 1990.

Wani ƙarni daga baya, mutanen da suka fi girma a Gabas ta Tsakiya za a iya gafartawa don suna tunanin cewa suna hakikanin fuskantar yakin duniya na III, a matsayin marasa haɗari, hare-haren bom da kuma wakili yakin sun rage dukan biranen, garuruwa da ƙauyuka don lalata kashe miliyoyin mutane a duk faɗin Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, Lebanon, Palestine, Libya, Syria da Yemen - ba tare da ƙarshen gani ba bayan shekaru 30 na yaɗuwar yaƙi, tashin hankali da hargitsi.

Ba a amince da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta 9 / 11 ba, kamar yadda Yarjejeniyar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta buƙaci, yana nufin cewa duka sun karya Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, kamar yadda Sakatare Janar Kofi Annan ya yarda a cikin batun Iraki, ko karya sharuddan shawarwari na Majalisar Tsaron Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, irin su UNSCR 1973umarni ne na “tsagaita wuta nan take,” takunkumi mai tsaurin makamai da kuma keɓe “a matsayi na kasashen waje kowane iri ”a Libya a 2011.

A gaskiya, yayin da shugabannin Amurka na mulkin mallaka suna son yin amfani da Majalisar Tsaro ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya tagafi don yakin da suke yi, sunyi tunanin yin hakikanin yanke shawara game da yaki da zaman lafiya da kansu, ta yin amfani da maganganun siyasa don tabbatar da yaƙe-yaƙe da ba su da tushe a doka ta duniya.

Shugabannin Amurka suna nuna kyama ga Tsarin Mulkin Amurka kamar na Yarjejeniyar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da kudurorin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya. Kamar yadda James Madison ya rubuta wa Thomas Jefferson a shekara ta 1798, Tsarin Mulkin Amurka “tare da nazarin kulawa ya sanya batun yaki a cikin majalisa,” daidai don hana irin wannan mummunar cin zarafin ikon yaki daga bangaren zartarwa na gwamnati.

Amma ya ɗauki shekarun da suka gabata na yaki da kuma miliyoyin mutuwar tashin hankali kafin Majalisar Dokokin Amurka ta kira Dokar War Powers ta zamanin Vietnam don tabbatar da ikonta na tsarin mulki don dakatar da duk wani daga cikin wadannan yake-yake, yakin basasa. Majalisa ta taƙaita ayyukanta zuwa yakin Yemen, inda Saudi Arabia da UAE ke jagorantar masu tayar da kayar baya kuma Amurka ba ta da tallafi kawai, duk da cewa muhimmiyar rawa ce. Tare da ɗaya daga cikin nasu a Fadar White House, yawancin membobin Majalisar Wakilai na Republican har yanzu suna adawa da wannan maƙasudin ikirarin ikon tsarin mulki na Majalisar.

A halin yanzu HR 1004, dokar Cicilline ta wakilta don tabbatar da cewa Mista Trump ba shi da ikon da kundin tsarin mulki ya ba da umarnin yin amfani da sojojin Amurka a Venezuela, yana da masu ba da tallafi 52 ne kawai (Democrats 50 da Republican 2). Kudirin abokin Sanata Merkley a majalisar dattijai har yanzu yana jiran kwastomomin sa na farko.

Tattaunawar siyasa na Amurka game da yaki da zaman lafiya ya nuna rashin amincewa da gaskiyar doka Yarjejeniya Ta Duniya, goyon baya da "Renunciation of War as Instrument of National Policy" a cikin 1928 Kamfanin Kellogg-Briand da haramta hana zalunci a cikin dokar ƙasa da ƙasa, duk sun hana Amurka kai wa wasu ƙasashe hari. Maimakon haka ‘yan siyasan Amurka suna tattaunawa game da fa’ida da rashin fa’idar harin Amurka a kan kowace ƙasa kawai dangane da fa’idodi da Amurka da kuma tsara kansu ta hanyar haƙƙin siyasa da kuskuren halin da ake ciki.

Amurka na amfani yakin basira don yin watsi da gwamnatocin kasashen waje yaki tattalin arziki don tayar da kasashen da aka yi niyya, don samar da matsalolin siyasa, tattalin arziki da kuma jin dadin jama'a wanda zai iya kasancewa a matsayin tsaka-tsakin yaki, kamar yadda duniya ta gani a ƙasashe bayan kasa da kuma yadda muke shaida a yau a Venezuela.

Waɗannan a fili ayyukan da manufofin ikon mulkin mallaka ne, ba na ƙasa mai cikakken iko da ke aiki cikin doka ba.

Yankan Kashe Yanki Muna Zaune Kan

Babu mako daya da zai wuce ba tare da sabon karatu ba wanda ya bayyana abubuwan da ba'a ruwaito ba a baya game da matsalar muhalli da ke fuskantar bil'adama da duniyar da muke ciki. Kowane nau'in kwaro na iya zama ƙare a cikin karni, tare da yiwuwar shagulgula da kwari na gida, haifar da rukuni na muhalli kamar tsire-tsire marasa tsire-tsire, tsuntsaye masu yunwa da wasu halittun da ke biyo bayan kwari a cikin mummunar ƙwayar cuta.  Rabin mutanen Duniya na dabbobi masu shayarwa, tsuntsaye, kifi da dabbobi masu rarrafe tuni sun ɓace a cikin shekaru 40 da suka gabata.

Canjin yanayi na iya samar da ƙafa shida ko takwas na matakin teku a wannan karnin - ko zai zama 20 ko 30 ƙafa? Babu wanda zai iya tabbatarwa. A lokacin da muke, zai yi latti don hana shi. Dahr Jamail's labarin kwanan nan at Truthout, mai suna "Muna Rushewar Rayuwar Rayuwa ta Rayuwarmu," yana da kyakkyawan nazari akan abin da muka sani.

Ta hanyar amfani, mahangar fasaha, canjin da ake buƙata zuwa makamashi mai sabuntawa wanda rayuwarmu na iya dogara da shi gabaɗaya abin cimmawa ne. To me ke hana duniya yin wannan mawuyacin halin?

Masana kimiyya sun fahimci ilimin kimiyya na yanayin ɗan adam wanda ya haifar da mummunar yanayi ko sauyin yanayi tun lokacin 1970s. A Yarjejeniyar Tsarin Mulki na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya a kan sauyin yanayi (UNFCCC) an sasanta shi a Taron Taron Duniya na Rio na 1992 kuma kusan kowace ƙasa ta amince da shi, gami da Amurka. Da 1997 Kyoto Protocol ƙasashe masu ƙuduri don yin takamaiman, yanke yankewa a cikin hayaƙin carbon, tare da manyan ragin da aka ɗora wa ƙasashen da suka ci gaba waɗanda ke da alhakin matsalar. Amma akwai sanannen sananne guda ɗaya: Amurka. Amurka, Andorra da Sudan ta Kudu ne kawai suka kasa tabbatar da yarjejeniyar ta Kyoto, har sai Kanada ma ta fice daga cikinta a shekarar 2012.

Yawancin kasashe masu tasowa sun rage karfin carbon su a karkashin zagaye na farko na Kyoto Protocol, kuma 2009 Copenhagen Summit an tsara shi don tsara tsarin doka don bin Kyoto. Zaɓen na Barack Obama ya ƙarfafa mutane da yawa su yi imani cewa Amurka, ƙasar da ke da alhakin mafi yawan hayaƙin carbon, a ƙarshe za ta shiga cikin shirin duniya don magance matsalar.

Madadin haka, farashin Amurka don shigarta ya kasance mai dagewa kan son rai, manufofin da ba a daure su ba a maimakon yarjejeniyar da ta shafi doka. Bayan haka, yayin da Tarayyar Turai (EU), Rasha da Japan suka sanya niyyar rage 15-30% daga fitowar 1990 zuwa 2020, kuma China ta yi niyyar rage kashi 40-45% daga hayakin da ta fitar a 2005, Amurka da Canada suna nufin kawai yanke fitar da hayakinsu da kashi 17% daga matakan 2005. Wannan yana nufin cewa Amurka ta rage kashi 4% ne kawai cikin hayakin da yake fitarwa daga matakin ta na 1990, yayin da kusan duk sauran kasashen da suka ci gaba suke burin yankewa.

The Yarjejeniya Tsuntsaye na Paris ya dogara ne akan tsari iri ɗaya na rashin ɗaurewa, burin son rai kamar Yarjejeniyar Copenhagen. Tare da kashi na biyu kuma na karshe na Kyoto Protocol wanda zai kare a shekarar 2020, babu kasar da za ta kasance a karkashin wani nauyi na kasa da kasa na rage hayakin ta. Kasashen da jama'arsu da 'yan siyasa suke da gaske don canzawa zuwa sabunta makamashi suna ci gaba, yayin da wasu ba haka ba. Netherlands ta zartar da doka don buƙatar a 95% ragewa a cikin karfin carbon daga 1990 matakin 2050, kuma yana da ya dakatar da sayar da man fetur da kuma motoci din diesel bayan 2030. A halin yanzu hayakin carbon na Amurka ya ragu da kashi 10% kawai tun lokacin da suka kai kololuwa a 2005, kuma a zahiri ya tashi daga 3.4% a 2018.

Kamar yadda dokokin kasa da kasa suka haramta yakin, Amurka ta ƙi yarda da yarjejeniyar duniya don magance canjin yanayi. Ya yi amfani da ikon mulkin mallaka don hana ayyukan kasa da kasa a kan sauyin yanayi a kowane mataki, don adana duk abin da zai yiwu na tattalin arzikin kasa-da-kasa kan man fetur na tsawon lokaci. Tashin hankali da shale man yana bunkasa man fetur da gas dinsa zuwa rikodin rikodin, samar da mafi yawan gasasshen gas din fiye da man fetur na zamani da hakar gas.

Halin da Amurka ke lalatawa, mai yuwuwar kashe kansa, manufofin muhalli sun dace da ita neologyberal akidar, wanda ya ɗaga “sihirin kasuwa” zuwa ƙa'idodin addini na yau da kullun, kare siyasa da tattalin arziki a Amurka daga duk wani ɓangare na gaskiyar abin da ke rikice-rikice da ƙarancin buƙatun kuɗi na ƙungiyoyi masu ɗimbin yawa. ta Trump, Obama, Bushes da Clintons.

A cikin "kasuwar" cin hanci da rashawa da kuma kafofin watsa labaru na Amurka, masu sukar neoliberalism ana yi musu ba'a kamar jahilai da 'yan bidi'a, kuma kashi 99%, wadanda aka yaba wa "Amurkawa" ana daukar su ne a matsayin talakawan da za a garkame su daga TV zuwa rumfar zabe zuwa Walmart (ko Whole Foods) - kuma a wasu lokutan a tafi yaki. Kasuwa mai tasowa ya tabbatar da cewa komai yana tafiya daidai, duk da cewa tattalin arzikin neoliberal ya lalata duniyar duniyar wacce sihiri na ainihi ke tallafawa da mu.

US imperialism ne mai dauke da rayayye yaduwar cutar neoliberalism zuwa kusurwa huɗu na duniya, kamar yadda ya hallaka duniya da ke taimaka mana duka: iska muna numfashi; ruwan da muke sha; Ƙasa wadda ta ba da abinci. yanayin da ke sa rayuwar mu ta iya rayuwa; da kuma 'yan halittu masu ban al'ajabi waɗanda, har yanzu, sun raba da wadatar duniya da muke ciki.

Kammalawa

As Darryl Li ya lura a cikin shari'ar wadanda ake zargi da ta'addanci da ya karanta, Amurka tana nuna fifiko, ikon mallakar masarauta wanda ke tumbuke mutumcin wasu kasashe. Ba ta yarda da iyakokin yanki na dindindin ga ikon mallaka ba. Iyakar abin da masarautar Amurka ta yi fushi da yarda shi ne amfani wanda kasashe masu karfi za su iya samun nasarar karewa daga nauyin karfinsa.

Amma Amurka tana aiki ba tare da gajiyawa ba don ci gaba da faɗaɗa ikon mulkin mallaka da rage girman ikon wasu don sauya ƙididdigar iko a gaba cikin tagomashinta. Tana tilasta kowace ƙasa da ke jingina ga duk wani ɓangare na ikon mallaka ko 'yancin kai wanda ya yi karo da kasuwancin Amurka ko sha'awar ƙasa don yaƙi don ikoncinta a kowane mataki na hanya.

Hakan ya kasance daga mutanen Birtaniya da ke tsayayya da shigo da kudan zuma na Amurka mai suna hormone Chlorinated kaza da yan jari-hujja game da Harkokin Kiwon Lafiyar su ta masana'antar "kiwon lafiya" ta Amurka, har zuwa gwagwarmayar Iran, Venezuela da Koriya ta Arewa don dakile barazanar Amurka da ke bayyane wanda ya keta Yarjejeniyar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya.

Duk inda muka juya a cikin duniyar da muke ciki, ga tambayoyin yaƙi da salama ko matsalar muhalli ko wasu haɗarin da muke fuskanta, mun sami waɗannan rundunonin guda biyu da tsarin biyu, mulkin mallaka na Amurka da bin doka, suna cin karo da juna, suna takara 'Yanci da iko mu yanke hukunci wanda zai gyara rayuwarmu ta gaba. Su duka biyun a bayyane ko a bayyane suna da'awar gama gari da ke musun ikon ɗayan, yana mai sa su zama ba sa jituwa da juna kuma ba za a iya sasantawa ba.

To ina wannan zai kai ga? A ina zai iya kaiwa? Systemayan tsarin dole ne ya ba wa ɗayan hanya idan za mu warware matsalolin da ke fuskantar bil'adama a cikin karni na 21. Lokaci yayi gajere kuma yana karatowa, kuma babu wata tantama wanne tsari ne yake baiwa duniya dan samun kwanciyar hankali, adalci da kuma ci gaba mai dorewa.

Nicolas JS Davies shine marubucin Blood On Our Hands: Ƙasar Amirka da Rushewar Iraq. Shi mai bincike ne ga CODEPINK da kuma marubuci mai wallafawa wanda aikinsa ya wallafa ta hanyar masu zaman kansu, masu zaman kansu ba tare da kamfani ba.