Kisan Shiru na Yakin Saman Amurka

Kafofin yada labaran Amurka sun bayyana bacin ransu a lokacin da jiragen yakin Rasha suka kashe fararen hula a Aleppo amma sun yi shiru yayin da jiragen yakin Amurka ke kashe wadanda ba su ji ba ba su gani ba a Mosul da Raqqa, in ji Nicolas JS Davies.

By Nicolas JS Davies, Consortium News.

Afrilu 2017 wani wata ne na kisan gilla da ta'addanci mara misaltuwa ga al'ummar Mosul a Iraki da yankunan Raqqa da Tabqa a Siriya, kamar yadda mafi girma, mafi dorewa yaƙin neman zaɓe da Amurka ta jagoranta tun lokacin yakin Amurka a Vietnam ya shiga wata na 33.

The Airwars monitoring group ya tattara rahotannin 1,280 zuwa 1,744 farar hula kashe akalla 2,237 fashewa da makamai masu linzami wanda ya yi ruwan sama daga jiragen yakin Amurka da kawayenta a watan Afrilu (1,609 akan Iraki da 628 akan Syria). An sami asarar rayuka mafi yawa a cikin tsohon Mosul da kuma yammacin Mosul, inda aka ce fararen hula 784 zuwa 1,074 ne suka mutu, amma kuma yankin da ke kusa da Tabqa na kasar Siriya ya yi asarar fararen hula.

A sauran yankunan da ake yaki, kamar yadda na yi bayani a kasidu da suka gabata (nan da kuma nan), irin rahotannin "m" na mutuwar farar hula da Airwars ya tattara sun taba kama tsakanin kashi 5 da kashi 20 cikin dari na ainihin mutuwar yakin basasa da aka bayyana ta hanyar nazarin mace-mace. Iraqibodycount, wanda ya yi amfani da irin wannan dabara ga Airwars, ya kirga kashi 8 ne kawai na mutuwar da wani bincike na mace-macen da aka gano a Iraki da ta mamaye a cikin 2006.

Da alama Airwars yana tattara rahotannin mutuwar fararen hula fiye da Iraqbodycount shekaru 11 da suka gabata, amma yana rarraba adadi mai yawa a matsayin "an gasa" ko "raunana rahotanni," kuma yana da ra'ayin mazan jiya da gangan a kirga shi. Misali, a wasu lokuta, ta kirga rahotannin kafofin watsa labarai na cikin gida na “mutuwar da yawa” a matsayin mafi ƙarancin mutuwa ɗaya, ba tare da adadi mai yawa ba. Wannan ba don laifin hanyoyin Airwars bane, amma don gane iyakokinsa wajen ba da gudummawa ga ainihin kiyasin mutuwar farar hula.

Ba da damar fassara daban-daban na bayanan Airwars, tare da ɗauka cewa, kamar irin wannan yunƙurin a baya, yana ɗaukar tsakanin kashi 5 cikin 20 zuwa 2014 na ainihin mace-mace, ƙiyasin gaske na adadin fararen hula da yaƙin bama-bamai da Amurka ke kashewa tun daga lokacin. 25,000 a yanzu ya zama wani wuri tsakanin 190,000 da XNUMX.

Kwanan nan ma'aikatar tsaron Amurka ta Pentagon ta yi kwaskwarimar kiyasin nata na adadin fararen hular da ta kashe a Iraki da Siriya tun daga shekarar 2014 zuwa 352. Wannan bai kai kashi daya bisa hudu na wadanda abin ya shafa ba 1,446 wadanda Airwars ya tabbatar da sunansu.

Airwars ya kuma tattara rahotannin kashe fararen hula da suka yi Harin bam na Rasha a Syria, wanda ya zarce rahotannin fararen hula da harin bam da Amurka ke jagoranta ya kashe a mafi yawan shekara ta 2016. Sai dai tun bayan harin bam din da Amurka ke jagoranta ya karu zuwa yanzu. 10,918 fashewa da makamai masu linzami A cikin watanni ukun farko na shekarar 2017, tashin bamabamai mafi girma tun bayan fara yakin neman zabe a shekarar 2014, rahotannin Airwars na fararen hula da harin bam da Amurka ke jagoranta ya kashe ya zarce rahotannin mutuwar mutane daga harin bam na Rasha.

Saboda rarrabuwar kawuna na duk rahotannin Airwars, wannan tsari na iya ko ba zai iya yin daidai da ko Amurka ko Rasha sun kashe fararen hula da gaske a cikin waɗannan lokutan ba. Akwai abubuwa da yawa da za su iya shafar hakan.

Misali, gwamnatocin yammacin duniya da kungiyoyi masu zaman kansu sun ba da tallafi da tallafawa White Helmets da sauran kungiyoyin da ke ba da rahoton asarar fararen hula da harin bam na Rasha ya haifar, amma babu irin wannan tallafi na Yammacin Turai don ba da rahoton asarar fararen hula daga yankunan da ke karkashin ikon IS da Amurka da kawayenta suna ta tada bam. Idan rahoton na Airwars yana ɗaukar adadin ainihin mace-mace a wani yanki fiye da wani saboda dalilai kamar haka, zai iya haifar da bambance-bambance a cikin adadin mutuwar da aka ruwaito wanda ba ya nuna bambance-bambance a ainihin mace-mace.

Shock, Awe… da Shiru

Don saka 79,000 fashewa da makamai masu linzami wanda Amurka da kawayenta suka yi ruwan bama-bamai a Iraki da Siriya tun daga shekarar 2014 a cikin hangen nesa, yana da kyau a yi la'akari da kwanakin "masu laifi" na "Shock da Awe" a cikin Maris 2003. Kamar yadda Wakilin NPR Sandy Tolan wanda aka ruwaito a cikin 2003, ɗaya daga cikin masu tsara wannan yaƙin neman zaɓe ya annabta faɗuwar 29,200 fashewa da makamai masu linzami a kan Iraki zai yi, "marasa makaman nukiliya kwatankwacin tasirin da makaman nukiliyar da aka jefa kan Hiroshima da Nagasaki ya yi kan Japan."

Lokacin da aka saki "Shock da Awe" akan Iraki a cikin 2003, ya mamaye labarai a duk duniya. Amma bayan shekaru takwas Yaki na “mutuwa, shiru, rashin watsa labarai”. A karkashin Shugaba Obama, kafafen yada labarai na Amurka ba su ma dauki kashe-kashen da ake yi a kullum daga wannan hari da aka ci gaba da kaiwa Iraki da Siriya a matsayin labarai ba. Suna rufe abubuwan da suka faru na asarar rayuka guda ɗaya na ƴan kwanaki, amma da sauri su ci gaba da al'ada "Trump Show" shirin.

Kamar yadda yake a cikin George Orwell 1984, jama'a sun san cewa sojojin mu na yaki da wani a wani wuri, amma cikakkun bayanai suna da tsari. "Shin har yanzu wani abu ne?" "Ko Koriya ta Arewa ba ita ce babban batun yanzu ba?"

Kusan babu wata mahawara ta siyasa a Amurka kan hakki da kuskuren yakin da Amurka ta kai a Iraki da Siriya. Kada ku manta cewa jefa bama-bamai a Siriya ba tare da izini daga gwamnatinta da kasashen duniya suka amince da ita ba, laifi ne na wuce gona da iri Yarjejeniya ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya. 'Yancin Amurka don keta Yarjejeniya ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya yadda ta so ya riga ya kasance a siyasance (ba bisa ka'ida ba!) na tsawon shekaru 17 na zalunci, daga bom na Yugoslaviaa 1999 zuwa mamayewa na Afghanistan da kuma Iraki, to drone bugawa a Pakistan da Yemen.

Don haka wa zai aiwatar da Yarjejeniyar yanzu don kare fararen hula a Siriya, wadanda tuni suka fuskanci tashin hankali da mutuwa daga kowane bangare a yakin basasa da na wakilai, wanda Amurka ta riga ta kasance. mai rikitarwa tun kafin ta fara jefa bam a Siriya a 2014?

Dangane da dokokin Amurka, gwamnatocin Amurka guda uku a jere sun yi iƙirarin cewa tashe-tashen hankulan da suke yi ba bisa ƙa'ida ba ya dace da doka. Izini don Amfani da Ƙarfin Soja Majalisar dokokin Amurka ta amince da shi a shekara ta 2001. Amma da yake sharewa kamar yadda yake, wannan kudirin ya ce kawai,

“Cewa shugaban kasa yana da izinin yin amfani da duk wani abin da ya dace kuma ya dace kan al’ummomi, kungiyoyi, ko mutanen da ya yanke shawarar shiryawa, izini, aiwatarwa ko taimakawa hare-haren ta’addancin da suka faru a ranar 11 ga Satumba, 2001, ko kuma ba da irin wadannan kungiyoyi ko mutane, domin don hana duk wani ayyukan ta'addanci na kasa da kasa a kan Amurka a nan gaba daga irin wadannan kasashe, kungiyoyi ko mutane."

Dubban fararen hula nawa ne Amurka ta kashe a Mosul a cikin 'yan watannin da suka gabata suka taka rawa a harin ta'addanci na 11 ga Satumba? Duk mutumin da ke karanta wannan ya san amsar wannan tambayar: watakila ba ɗaya daga cikinsu ba. Idan dayansu ya shiga hannu, to da kwatsam ne.

Duk wani alkali mai son kai zai yi watsi da da'awar cewa wannan doka ta ba da izinin shekaru 16 na yaki a akalla kasashe takwas, kifar da gwamnatocin da ba su da alaka da 9/11, kisan kusan mutane miliyan 2 da kuma tada zaune tsaye a kasa bayan kasa - kamar yadda alkalai a Nuremberg suka ki amincewa da hakan Da'awar wadanda ake tuhuma na Jamus cewa sun mamaye Poland, Norway da USSR don hana ko "shirya" hare-haren da ke gabatowa a Jamus.

Jami'an Amurka na iya da'awar cewa 2002 Iraki AUMF ya halatta harin bam a Mosul. Wannan doka aƙalla tana nufin ƙasa ɗaya ne. Amma yayin da har yanzu yana kan littattafan, duk duniya ta san cikin watanni da wucewarta cewa ta yi amfani da wuraren karya da kuma karairayi kai tsaye don tabbatar da hambarar da gwamnatin da Amurka ta lalata tun daga lokacin.

Yakin Amurka a Iraqi ya kawo karshe a hukumance tare da janye dakarun Amurka na karshe na mamaya a shekara ta 2011. Kungiyar AUMF ba ta amince ba kuma ba za ta iya amincewa da kawance da wani sabon gwamnati a Iraki bayan shekaru 14 don kai hari daya daga cikin garuruwanta tare da kashe dubban mutane. mutane.

Kama a Gidan Yanar Gizo na Farfagandar Yaki

Shin da gaske ba mu san menene yaki ba? Shin ya dade da yawa tun lokacin da Amirkawa suka fuskanci yaƙi a kan ƙasarmu? Wataƙila. Amma da yake alhamdulillahi kamar yadda yaƙi zai iya kasancewa daga yawancin rayuwarmu ta yau da kullun, ba za mu iya yin kamar ba mu san abin da yake ba ko kuma abin da ya fi ban tsoro.

A wannan watan, ni da abokai biyu mun ziyarci ofishin ‘yar majalisar mu mai wakiltar yankinmu Aminci Amfani affiliate, Peace Justice Sustainability Florida, don neme ta ta ba da gudummawar doka don hana yajin farko na nukiliya na Amurka; don soke 2001 AUMF; don kada kuri'ar adawa da kasafin kudin soja; a katse tallafin da ake ba wa sojojin Amurka na kasa a Syria; da kuma tallafawa diflomasiyya, ba yaki ba, da Koriya ta Arewa.

Sa’ad da wani abokina ya bayyana cewa ya yi yaƙi a Vietnam kuma ya soma magana game da abin da ya gani a wurin, dole ne ya daina kuka. Amma ma'aikacin bai bukaci shi ya ci gaba ba. Ta san me yake magana akai. Mu duka muna yi.

Amma idan dukanmu mun ga matattu da yara da suka ji rauni a cikin nama kafin mu fahimci bala’in yaƙi kuma mu ɗauki mataki mai tsanani don dakatar da shi kuma mu hana shi, to, za mu fuskanci mummunan makoma. Kamar yadda abokina da mutane da yawa kamarsa suka koya a farashi mai ƙima, lokacin da ya fi dacewa don dakatar da yaƙi shine kafin a fara, kuma babban darasin da za mu koya daga kowane yaƙi shine: “Kada a sake!”

Dukansu Barack Obama da Donald Trump sun lashe zaben shugaban kasa ta hanyar gabatar da kansu a matsayin 'yan takara na "zaman lafiya". Wannan wani abu ne da aka yi ƙididdiga a hankali kuma a daidaita shi a cikin yaƙin neman zaɓe su biyu, idan aka ba da bayanan yaƙi na manyan abokan hamayyarsu, John McCain da Hillary Clinton. Kiyayyar da jama'ar Amurka ke yi da yaki wani lamari ne da kowane shugaban Amurka da dan siyasa ya kamata ya yi maganinsa, da kuma yin alkawarin zaman lafiya a baya. juya mu cikin yaƙi al'adar siyasar Amurka ce wacce ta samo asali daga Woodrow Wilson da Franklin Roosevelt.

Kamar yadda Reichsmarschall Hermann Goering ya yarda ga masanin ilimin halayyar dan adam Gustave Gilbert na Amurka a cikin dakinsa a Nuremberg, “A zahiri, talakawa ba sa son yaki; ba a Rasha ko a Ingila ko a Amurka ba, ko kuma a Jamus. Ana fahimtar hakan. Amma, bayan haka, shugabannin kasar ne ke tsara manufofin kuma a kullum abu ne mai sauki a ja da jama’a, ko dai tsarin dimokuradiyya ne ko mulkin kama-karya ko na ‘yan majalisar dokoki ko na gurguzu.”

"Akwai bambanci ɗaya," Gilbert ya nace, "A cikin dimokuradiyya, mutane suna da wasu ra'ayoyin game da batun ta hanyar zaɓaɓɓun wakilansu, kuma a Amurka kawai Majalisa za ta iya shela yaƙe-yaƙe."

Goering bai burge shi ba Madisons kuma Hamiltonka'idodin tsarin mulki masu daraja. "Oh, wannan yana da kyau kuma mai kyau," in ji shi, "amma, murya ko babu murya, ana iya kawo mutane a ko da yaushe ga neman shugabanni. Wannan abu ne mai sauki. Abin da kawai za ku yi shi ne ku gaya musu cewa ana kai musu hari tare da yin tir da masu fafutukar wanzar da zaman lafiya saboda rashin kishin kasa da jefa kasar cikin hadari. Haka yake aiki a kowace kasa."

Ƙudurinmu na zaman lafiya da kyamarmu na yaƙi yana da sauƙin raunana ta hanyar dabaru masu sauƙi amma maras lokaci Goering da aka kwatanta. A cikin Amurka a yau, an haɓaka su da wasu abubuwa da yawa, waɗanda galibi suna da kamanceceniya a Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu a Jamus:

–Kafofin watsa labarai da ke danne wayar da kan jama'a na halin ɗan adam na yaƙi, musamman lokacin da manufofin Amurka ko sojojin Amurka ke da alhakin.

-A kafofin watsa labarai duhu a kan muryoyin hankali waɗanda ke ba da shawarar wasu manufofin da suka danganci zaman lafiya, diflomasiyya ko tsarin dokokin duniya.

- A cikin shiru mai zuwa game da hanyoyin da za a bi, 'yan siyasa da kafofin watsa labarai suna nan "yin wani abu," ma'ana yaki, a matsayin kawai madadin mutumin bambaro na "yin kome."

–Daidaita yaki ta hanyar sata da yaudara, musamman ta jama’a da ake ganin ba a amince da su ba, kamar Shugaba Obama.

–Dogaran ‘yan siyasa da kungiyoyi masu ci gaba da samun kudade daga kungiyoyin kwadago wadanda suka zama kananan abokan hulda a rukunin masana’antu na soja.

–Tsarin siyasa na rigingimun Amurka da wasu ƙasashe gabaɗaya sakamakon ayyukan da ɗayan ɓangaren suka yi, da kuma jajircewar shugabannin ƙasashen waje don yin wasan kwaikwayo da kuma yada waɗannan labaran karya.

-Tsarin cewa rawar da Amurka ta taka a yaƙe-yaƙe na ketare da mamayewar sojan duniya ya samo asali ne daga ma'ana mai kyau. sha'awar taimakon mutane, ba daga manufofin Amurka da muradun kasuwanci ba.

A dunkule, wannan ya zama tsarin farfagandar yaki, wanda shugabannin gidajen talabijin ke da alhakin aikata ta'asar da aka yi tare da shugabannin siyasa da na soja. Fitar da manyan hafsoshin sojan da suka yi ritaya don yin boma-bomai a gaban gida da jarumtaka, ba tare da bayyanawa ba da hefty kudaden darektoci da masu ba da shawara suna tattarawa daga masu kera makamai, gefe ɗaya ne kawai na wannan tsabar kudin.

Mahimmancin abin da ke da mahimmanci shi ne gazawar kafofin watsa labarai na ko da yaƙe-yaƙe ko rawar da Amurka ke takawa a cikin su, da kuma keɓance su a kai a kai ga duk wanda ke nuni da cewa akwai wani abu na ɗabi'a ko na doka da yaƙe-yaƙe na Amurka.

Paparoma da Gorbachev

Paparoma Francis kwanan nan ya ba da shawarar cewa wani bangare na uku zai iya zama mai shiga tsakani don taimakawa wajen warware rikicin kasarmu na kusan shekaru 70 da Koriya ta Arewa. Paparoma ya ba da shawarar Norway. Abu mafi mahimmanci, Paparoma ya tsara matsalar a matsayin takaddama tsakanin Amurka da Koriya ta Arewa, ba kamar yadda jami'an Amurka ke yi ba, kamar yadda Koriya ta Arewa ke haifar da matsala ko barazana ga sauran kasashen duniya.

Ta haka ne tsarin diflomasiyya ke aiki mafi kyau, ta hanyar daidai da gaskiya wajen gano irin rawar da bangarori daban-daban suke takawa a cikin wani rikici ko rikici, sannan kuma a yi kokarin warware sabanin da ke tsakaninsu da muradu masu karo da juna ta yadda bangarorin biyu za su iya rayuwa da su ko ma su amfana. JCPOA da ta warware takaddamar Amurka da Iran kan shirinta na nukiliyar farar hula misali ne mai kyau na yadda hakan zai iya aiki.

Irin wannan aikin diflomasiyya na hakika ya yi nisa da brinksmanship, Barazana da ƙawancen ƙawancen da suka zama tamkar diflomasiyya a ƙarƙashin jagorancin shugabannin Amurka da sakatarorin harkokin wajen Amurka tun daga lokacin. Truman da Acheson, tare da wasu kaɗan. Dogayen sha'awar yawancin ajin siyasar Amurka zuwa lalata JCPOA tare da Iran wani ma'auni ne na yadda jami'an Amurka suka jingina da yin amfani da barazani da katsalandan kuma suna jin haushin cewa ya kamata Amurka ta "m" ta sauko daga babban dokinta tare da yin shawarwari cikin aminci da sauran kasashe.

Tushen waɗannan manufofi masu haɗari, kamar yadda ɗan tarihi William Appleman Williams ya rubuta a ciki Bala'in Diflomasiyyar Amurka a shekara ta 1959, ya kasance ƙaƙƙarfan ikon soja mafi girma wanda ya yaudari shugabannin Amurka bayan nasarar ƙawance a yakin duniya na biyu da ƙirƙira makaman nukiliya. Bayan gudu kai tsaye zuwa ga gaskiyar wani duniya bayan mulkin mallaka da ba za a iya cinyewa ba a Vietnam, wannan mafarkin Amurkawa na iko na ƙarshe ya dushe a taƙaice, kawai an sake haifuwa da ɗaukar fansa bayan ƙarshen Yaƙin Cacar.

Kamar yadda shan kayen da ta sha a yakin duniya na farko bai taka kara ya karya ba don gamsar da Jamus cewa burinta na soja ya kare, wasu sabbin shugabannin Amurka sun ga karshen yakin cacar baka a matsayin damarsu ta yi. "Kick the Vietnam Syndrome" da kuma farfado da mugunyar yunkurin Amurka "cikakken rinjaye na bakan."

Kamar yadda Mikhail Gorbachev ya yi kuka a ciki wani jawabi a Berlin a bikin cika shekaru 25 da rugujewar katangar Berlin a shekarar 2014, “Yamma, musamman Amurka, sun ayyana nasara a yakin cacar baka. Euphoria da cin nasara sun tafi kan shugabannin yammacin Turai. Da suke cin gajiyar raunin da Rasha ke da shi da kuma rashin kiba, sun yi iƙirarin shugabanci da mamaye duniya, sun ƙi bin kalaman taka tsantsan daga yawancin waɗanda suke wurin.”

Wannan nasara ta bayan yakin cacar baka ta kai mu cikin wani yanayi mai cike da rudani, bala'i da hatsari fiye da yakin cacar baki da kansa. Wautar shuwagabannin mu da rashin gamsuwa da burinsu da yawan kwarkwasa tare da halakar jama'a sun fi dacewa da Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists' Doomsday Clock, wanda hannayensa suka sake tsayawa minti biyu da rabi zuwa tsakar dare.

Rashin gazawar injin yaƙi mafi tsada da aka taɓa taru don kayar da dakarun juriya masu sauƙaƙa a cikin ƙasa bayan ƙasa, ko kuma maido da kwanciyar hankali ga kowace ƙasashen da ta ruguje, da kyar ya hana ƙarfin cikin gida na rukunin masana'antu na sojan Amurka akan siyasar mu. cibiyoyi da albarkatun kasa. Babu miliyoyin mutuwar, tiriliyoyin daloli da aka yi hasarar, ko gazawa a kan nasu sharuɗɗan da ya rage jinkirin yaɗuwar rashin tunani da haɓakar "yaƙin duniya kan ta'addanci."

Masu fafutuka a nan gaba suna tafka muhawara kan ko fasahar mutum-mutumi da fasaha na wucin gadi wata rana za su kai ga duniyar da robots masu cin gashin kansu za su iya kaddamar da yaki don bautar da halakar bil’adama, watakila ma shigar da mutane a matsayin sassan injinan da za su kawo karshen mu. A cikin sojojin Amurka da masana'antu na soja, shin mun riga mun ƙirƙiri daidai irin wannan nau'in ɗan adam, ƙaramin fasaha wanda ba zai daina tayar da bama-bamai, kisa da lalata sai dai kuma har sai mun dakatar da shi a kan hanyarta kuma mu wargaza ta?

Nicolas JS Davies shine marubucin Jini Akan Mu Hannu: Mamayar Amurka da Rugujewar Iraki. Ya kuma rubuta surorin a kan “Obama a Yaƙi” a cikin Ganawa ga Shugaban Kasa na 44: Katin Rahoto a kan Wa'adin Farko na Barack Obama a Matsayin Jagora Mai Ci Gaban.