100 Shekaru na War - 100 Years of Peace and Peace Peace, 1914 - 2014

By Peter van den Dungen

Haɗin kai shine ikon aiki tare don hangen nesa ɗaya. Fuel Shine man da ke baiwa mutane gama gari damar samun sakamako mara kyau. -Andrew Carnegie

Tun da yake wannan shiri ne na zaman lafiya da rikici, kuma tun lokacin da ake gudanar da shi a ƙarshen karni na arba'in na yakin duniya na farko, zan tabbatar da maganganun da ya fi mayar da hankali kan batutuwan da suka shafi karni na centenary ya kamata su mayar da hankali ga hanya inda zartar da zaman lafiya zai iya taimakawa ga abubuwan tunawa da zasu faru a cikin shekaru hudu masu zuwa. Ayyukan tunawa da yawa ba kawai a Turai ba, amma a duk faɗin duniya suna ba da dama ga yaki da yaki da tashin hankali don fadadawa da gabatar da matakan.

Ana ganin cewa har yanzu wannan batu ba shi da kuskure daga shirin tunawa da ma'aikatan, a kalla a Birtaniya inda aka gabatar da jerin irin wannan shirin a kan 11^th Janar 2012 na Firaministan kasar David Cameron a wani jawabi a filin injuna ta London na 1. Ya sanar da cewa an nada mai ba da shawara na musamman, da kuma kwamitocin shawara, har ma gwamnati ta samar da asusun ajiyar kuɗi na £ 50 miliyan. Babban manufar tunawa da yakin duniya na farko shine sau uku, ya ce: 'don girmama wadanda suka yi aiki; don tuna da wadanda suka mutu; kuma don tabbatar da cewa darussan koyi sun rayu tare da mu har abada '. Mu (watau zaman lafiya) na iya yarda da cewa 'girmamawa, tunatarwa, da darussan koyo' daidai ne, amma mai yiwuwa ba daidai ba ne game da ainihin yanayin da abun ciki na abin da ake gabatarwa a ƙarƙashin waɗannan rubutun uku.

Kafin magance wannan batu, yana iya zama da amfani wajen nuna taƙaice abin da ake yi a Birtaniya. Daga £ 50 miliyan, 10 miliyan ne aka ba da kyauta ga Tarihin Gidan Harkokin Kasuwanci wanda Cameron ya kasance mai ban sha'awa. Fiye da £ 5 da aka ba da shi ga makarantu, don ba da damar ziyarci ɗalibai da malamai zuwa fagen fama a Belgium da Faransa. Kamar gwamnati, BBC kuma ta nada mai kula da lamarin na Gidan Kwana na Duniya na Duniya na farko. Shirin shirinsa na wannan, an sanar a kan 16^th Oktoba 2013, ya fi girma kuma ya fi girma fiye da duk wani aikin da ya taba yi. [2] Rundunar rediyo da telebijin na kasa sun ba da izini kan shirye-shiryen 130, tare da kwanakin 2,500 na watsa shirye-shiryen rediyo da talabijin. Alal misali, gidan rediyon gidan rediyon BBC, 4 na BBC, ya ba da izini daya daga cikin jerin wasannin kwaikwayo mafi girma, zangon abubuwan 600, da kuma kula da gida gaba. BBC, tare da Tarihin Harkokin Kasa na Kasuwancin, yana gina '' Cenotaf 'na zamani wanda ke nuna nauyin kayan tarihi. Yana kiran masu amfani don aika haruffa, wasiku, da hotuna na abubuwan da dangin su suka yi yayin yakin. Haka kuma shafin yanar gizon zai samar da damar yin amfani da shi a karo na farko zuwa fiye da kayan aikin soja na 8 da aka gudanar da Museum. A watan Yuli 2014, Gidan Gidajen tarihi zai rike mafi girma daga yakin duniya na da aka gani (mai suna Gaskiya & Tunawa: Harshen Biritaniya na Yaƙin Duniya na Farko). [3] Za a yi nune-nunen irin wannan a cikin Tate Modern (London) da Tarihin Gidan Wuta na Kasa na Arewa (Salford, Manchester).

Daga farkon, akwai gardama a Birtaniya game da yanayin tunawa, musamman, ko wannan shi ne bikin - bikin, watau na Birtaniya da kuma nasarar da ta samu, ta haka ta kare 'yancinci da mulkin demokra] iyya, ba wai kawai ga} asar ba. Har ila yau, wajibi ne (amma ba dole ba ne ga mazauna!). Ministan gwamnati, manyan masana tarihi, 'yan jarida da' yan jarida sun shiga cikin muhawara; babu shakka kuma jakadan Jamus ya zama hannu. Idan, kamar yadda Firayim Ministan ya nuna a cikin jawabinsa, wannan bikin ya kamata ya zama batun sulhu, to, wannan zai nuna cewa akwai bukatar yin amfani da hankali (maimakon ci gaba da nasara).

A halin yanzu, a cikin Birtaniya, a halin yanzu, a halin yanzu, a cikin Birtaniya, an nuna shi sosai, kuma an gudanar da shi a cikin sigogi wanda ya fi dacewa. Abin da ya ɓace har yanzu ya kasance siffofin da zasu biyo baya kuma zasu iya amfani da su a wasu wurare.

1. Ƙarin ca na canzawa ...?

FIRSTLY, kuma ba abin mamaki bane, muhawarar ta mayar da hankalin kan lamarin da ya faru na yakin da kuma batun yakin basasa. Wannan bai kamata a yi watsi da gaskiyar cewa an shuka kwayoyin yaki ba kafin kisan kai a Sarajevo. Yafi dacewa da ingantaccen aiki, kuma marar rabu da juna, kusanci ya kamata ya ba da hankali ga kasashe daban-daban amma a tsarin duniya kamar yadda ya haifar da yakin. Wannan zai jawo hankulan dakarun da ke cikin kishin kasa, mulkin mallaka, mulkin mallaka, da kuma militarism wanda ya hada da shirye shiryen yaki. An yi yakin basasa a matsayin abin ƙyama, dole, ɗaukaka da jaruntaka.

Ya kamata mu tambayi irin wa annan tsari dalilai na yaki - wanda ya haifar da yakin duniya - yana tare da mu a yau. A cewar masu bincike da dama, halin da duniya ke ciki a yau ba ta kasance kamar irin wannan Turai ba a rana ta yaki a 1914. Kwanan nan, tashin hankali tsakanin Japan da China sun jagoranci masu sharhi da dama don suyi la'akari da cewa idan akwai hadari na yakin basasa a yau, akwai yiwuwar kasancewa tsakanin waɗannan ƙasashe - kuma yana da wuyar magance su da yankin. Ana kwatanta da rani na 1914 a Turai. Lalle ne, a cikin shekara ta shekara ta tattalin arziki na duniya wanda aka gudanar a Davos a cikin Janairu 2014, an ba da firaministan Japan, Shinzo Abe, wani sauraron sauraron lokacin da ya kwatanta cin nasara na kasar Japan da na Anglo-Jamus a farkon 20^th karni. [A daidai lokacin ne, kasar Sin ta kasance mai tasowa, jihar da ba ta da hanzari tare da matakan bunkasa makamai, kamar Jamus a 1914. {Asar Amirka, kamar Birtaniya a 1914, wani ikon wutar lantarki ne, a fili. Japan, kamar Faransanci a 1914, tana dogara ga tsaro a kan ikon ragewa.] Kasashe masu rinjaye, kamar yadda a yanzu, na iya yada yakin. A cewar Margaret Macmillan, babban masanin tarihin Oxford na yakin duniya na farko, Gabas ta Tsakiya a yau ma yana da damuwa kamar Balkans a cikin 1914. [4] Gaskiyar cewa jagorancin 'yan siyasar da masana tarihi zasu iya zana irin waɗannan misalai ya zama dalilin damuwa. Shin duniya ba ta koyi kome ba daga mummunan masifa na 1914-1918? A wata muhimmiyar mahimmanci wannan ba shi da tabbacin yanayin: jihohin ci gaba da kasancewa da makamai, da kuma yin amfani da karfi da kuma barazanar karfi a cikin dangantakar su na kasa da kasa.

Tabbas, akwai cibiyoyin duniya a yanzu, da farko da kuma Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, wanda shine ainihin manufa shi ne kiyaye zaman lafiya a duniya. Akwai wata ƙungiya da ke ci gaba da tsarin shari'a ta duniya da kuma cibiyoyi don tafiya tare da shi. A Turai, mawallafi na yakin duniya guda biyu, yanzu akwai Union.

Duk da yake wannan ci gaba ne, waɗannan cibiyoyin suna da rauni kuma ba tare da masu sukar ba. Harkokin zaman lafiya na iya daukar nauyin bashi ga waɗannan ci gaban, kuma yana maida hankali ne ga sake fasalin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da kuma aiwatar da manyan ka'idoji na dokokin duniya da aka fi sani da mafi kyau.

2. Tunawa da masu kawo zaman lafiya & girmama gadonsu

A gaskiya, wannan muhawar da aka yi a yanzu ya ƙi kulawa da cewa akwai wani yaki da rikici a gaban 1914 a kasashe da yawa. Wannan motsi ya ƙunshi mutane, ƙungiyoyi, kungiyoyi, da kuma cibiyoyin da ba su da ra'ayin ra'ayi game da yaki da zaman lafiya, kuma sun yi kokarin kawo wani tsarin da yaki ya zama ba abin da ya dace ba don kasashe su warware matsalolin su.

A gaskiya ma, 2014 ba kawai karni na arba'in ba ne na fara yakin basasa, amma har ma bicentenary na zaman lafiya. A wasu kalmomi, shekaru dari daya kafin yakin basasa a 1914, wannan motsi yana ta yunkuri da gwagwarmaya don ilmantar da mutane game da haɗari da sharrin yaki, da kuma abubuwan da suka dace da kuma zaman lafiya. A cikin karni na farko, daga ƙarshen yakin Napoleon har zuwa farkon yakin duniya na farko, nasarar da aka samu a zaman motsa rai ya sabawa yaduwar ra'ayi mai yawa, mahimmanci. A bayyane yake, yunkuri na zaman lafiya bai yi nasara ba wajen kaucewa mummunan masifar da ke da babbar yakin, amma hakan ba zai rage muhimmancinta ba. Duk da haka, wannan bicentenary Babu inda aka ambata - kamar dai wannan motsi bai taɓa kasance ba, ko kuma bai cancanci tunawa ba.

Rundunar zaman lafiyar ta tashi ne a cikin gaggawa na Naval na Wars, a Birtaniya da Amurka. Wannan motsi, wadda ta sauko zuwa nahiyar na Turai da sauran wurare, ya kafa harsashin gine-ginen da dama da kuma sababbin abubuwa a diplomacy na duniya wanda zai faru a baya a karni, har ma bayan babban yakin - irin su ra'ayi a matsayin madaidaici kuma mai mahimmanci madaidaicin gagarumin karfi. Sauran ra'ayoyin da motsa jiki ke gabatarwa sune rikici, ƙungiyar tarayya, Ƙungiyar Turai, dokar kasa da kasa, ƙungiya ta duniya, kayan ado, cin zarafi mata. Yawancin wadannan ra'ayoyin sun riga sun zo a gaba bayan yakin duniya na 20^th karni, kuma wasu sun fahimci, ko a kalla a cikin haka.

Harkokin zaman lafiya ya kasance mafi mahimmanci a cikin shekarun da suka gabata kafin yakin duniya na farko a lokacin da lamarin ya kai ga matsayi mafi girma na gwamnati kamar yadda aka nuna, a misali, a cikin Hague Peace Conferences na 1899 da 1907. Sakamakon kai tsaye daga cikin waɗannan tarurrukan da ba a taɓa gani ba - wadanda suka biyo bayan roko (1898) na Tsar Nicholas II don dakatar da tseren makamai, kuma don maye gurbin yaki ta hanyar sulhu - shine gina gidan talabijin na Peace Palace wanda ya buɗe kofofin a 1913, wanda kuma ya yi bikin a cikin watan Agusta 2013. Tun da 1946, hakika shi ne wurin Kotun Kasa na Duniya na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya. Duniya tana da zaman lafiya da zaman lafiya na Andrew Carnegie, dan kasar Scotland-Amurka wanda ya zama babban maƙarƙashiyar na yaudarar zamani kuma wanda ya kasance abokin gaba na yaki. Kamar yadda ba wani, sai ya ba da gine-ginen cibiyoyin da suka dace don biyan zaman lafiya a duniya, mafi yawancin har yanzu suna wanzu a yau.

Kodayake gidan talabijin na Peace Palace, wanda ke da kotu na Kotun Kasa ta Duniya, yana kula da babbar manufa don maye gurbin yaki da adalci, Carnegie mafi kyawun kyauta ga zaman lafiya, Carnegie Endowment for Peace International (CEIP), ya fito daga bayyane mai imani da kawar da yakin, don haka ya raunana tashin hankali na kayan da ake bukata. Wannan zai iya bayyana dalilin da yasa wannan yunkurin ba ya girma a cikin wata ƙungiya mai motsi ba wanda zai iya matsa lamba ga gwamnatoci. Na yi imani yana da muhimmanci muyi tunani a kan wannan na dan lokaci. A cikin 1910 Carnegie, wanda shine mafi yawan shahararren zaman lafiya na Amurka, kuma mutum mafi arziki a duniya, ya ba da zaman lafiya da dala miliyan 10. A yau kudi, wannan daidai ne da $ 3,5 biliyan. Ka yi la'akari da abin da motsi na zaman lafiya - wato, motsi don kawar da yakin - zai iya yi a yau idan ta sami dama ga irin wannan kudi, ko kuma wani ɓangare na ciki. Abin baƙin cikin shine, yayin da Carnegie ke jin daɗin goyon baya da kuma gwagwarmaya, masu kula da zaman lafiya na zaman lafiya sun taimakawa bincike. Kamar yadda 1916, a tsakiyar yakin duniya na farko, daya daga cikin masu kula da ita ya nuna cewa sunan ma'aikata ya kamata a canza zuwa Carnegie Endowment for International Justice.

Lokacin da Gidajen kwanan nan ya yi bikin 100^th ranar tunawa, shugabanta (Jessica T. Mathews), wanda ake kira kungiyar "tsohuwar al'amuran duniya tunani tank a cikin {asar Amirka '[5] Tace cewa manufarsa ita ce, a cikin kalmomin wanda ya kafa, don' gaggauta kawar da yakin, mummunan abu ya kare kan wayewar mu, 'amma ta kara da cewa,' wannan manufa ba ta iya yiwuwa 'ba. A gaskiya ma, tana sake maimaita abin da Shugaban Gudanarwa a lokacin 1950s da 1960s sun riga sun fada. Joseph E. Johnson, tsohon jami'in ma'aikatar harkokin wajen Amurka, ya "kawar da ma'aikata ba tare da goyon bayan da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da sauran kungiyoyin kasa da kasa ba" bisa ga wani tarihin da aka buga ta Ƙaddamar da kanta. Har ila yau, '... a karo na farko, wani shugaban Carnegie Endowment [bayanin] Andrew Carnegie na zaman lafiya a matsayin kayan tarihi wanda ya wuce, maimakon wahayi zuwa yanzu. Duk wani bege na zaman lafiya na yau da kullum shi ne mafarki. "[6] Sa'idodin Duniya na farko ya tilasta Carnegie ya sake yin la'akari da ra'ayinsa cewa yakin zai 'nan da nan za a watsar da shi a matsayin abin kunya ga mutane masu wayewa "amma ba zai yiwu ba ya bar bangaskiyarsa gaba daya. Ya taimaka wa Woodrow Wilson game da wata kungiya ta duniya kuma yana farin ciki lokacin da shugaban ya amince da sunan Carnegie, kungiyar 'League of Nations'. Da cikakkiyar bege, ya mutu a 1919. Mene ne zai fada game da wadanda suka umurci babban kyautar zaman lafiya daga rashin bege kuma daga tabbatarwa cewa yakin zai iya kuma dole ne a soke shi? Har ila yau, an hana su zaman lafiya daga mahimman albarkatun da suka cancanta don yunkurin babbar hanyar? Ban Ki-moon ya yi daidai lokacin da ya ce, kuma ya sake cewa, 'Duniya ta kasance a kan makamai kuma ana samun tallafin zaman lafiya'. Ranar 'Day Day of Action on Military Military spending' (GDAMS), da farko da Ofishin Jakadancin Duniya ya ba shi, yana magance wannan batu (4)^th bugu akan 14^th Afrilu 2014). [7]

Wani abin tarihi na yakin duniya na farko na yakin duniya ya danganta da sunan wani dan kasuwa mai cin nasara da mai zaman lafiya, wanda kuma masanin kimiyya ne mai ban mamaki: masanin kimiyya mai suna Alfred Nobel. Lambar Nobel ta Duniya, wanda aka ba shi a cikin 1901, yafi mahimmanci sakamakon dangantakarsa da Bertha von Suttner, baroness na Austrian wanda ya kasance sakatarensa na Paris a wani lokaci, ko da yake har mako daya kawai. Ta zama shugaban jagorancin motsa jiki daga lokacin da ta fi kyautar littafi, Rare Ka makamai (Die Waffen nieder!) ya bayyana a 1889, har mutuwarta, shekaru ashirin da biyar, a kan 21^st Yuni 1914, mako guda kafin shafukan a Sarajevo. A kan 21^st Yuni na wannan shekarar (2014), muna tunawa da shekarun da suka mutu. Kada mu manta cewa wannan shine 125^th bikin tunawa da littafin da ta shahara. Ina so in faɗi abin da Leo Tolstoi, wanda ya san wani abu ko biyu game da yaki da zaman lafiya, ya rubuta ta a watan Oktoba 1891 bayan ya karanta littafinsa: 'Na yi godiya sosai ga aikinka, kuma ra'ayin ya zo mini cewa littafin littafinku mai farin ciki ne. - An kawar da zubar da bauta ta littafin shahararren mace, Mrs. Beecher Stowe; Allah ya ba da izinin kawar da yakin basasa a kan naka. "[8] Lalle ne, babu wata mace da ta fi tsayar da yaki fiye da Bertha von Suttner. [9]

Ana iya jaddada cewa Rarraban Makamai shi ne littafin bayan da aka kafa lambar yabo na Nobel na Peace (wanda marubucin ya zama mai karɓa na mata a 1905). Wannan kyautar ita ce, kyauta, kyauta ga zaman lafiya kamar yadda Bertha von Suttner ya wakilta, kuma mafi mahimmanci, don ƙaddamarwa. Wannan ya kamata ya sake zama daya daga cikin masu adawa da zaman lafiya, Fredrik Heffermehl a cikin littafinsa mai ban sha'awa, a cikin 'yan shekarun nan, Lambar Nobel ta Duniya: Abin da ake so ne a Nobel[10]

Wasu daga cikin manyan batutuwa na yakin neman zaman lafiya na 1914 sun motsa sama da ƙasa don su rinjayi 'yan uwansu' yan haɗari na mummunan yaki da kuma bukatar da su hana shi a duk farashi. A cikin bestseller, Babban Maɗaukaki: Nazarin Harkokin Harkokin Rundunar Soja a Kasashe don Tattalin Arzikin Tattalin Arziƙi da Harkokin Kasancewa, Yar jaridar Ingila, Norman Angell, ta yi ikirarin cewa, tattalin arziki da tattalin arziki da ke tsakanin gwamnatocin jari-hujja, sun yi yakin basasa a tsakanin su, ba tare da amfani da su ba, wanda hakan ya haifar da ficewar tattalin arziki da zamantakewa. [11]

Dukansu a lokacin da kuma bayan yakin, jinin da ya fi dacewa da yakin ya kasance "rushewa", yana nuna alamar littafin Angell. Yanayin yaki, da kuma sakamakonsa, sun kasance daga nesa da abin da aka sa ran. Abin da aka sa ran, a takaice dai, 'yakin kamar yadda ya saba'. Wannan ya nuna a cikin labaran da aka sani, ba da daɗewa ba bayan da aka fara yakin, cewa '' yan yara za su fito daga cikin ramuka da gida ta wurin Kirsimeti '. Meant ya, ba shakka, Kirsimeti 1914. A wannan lamarin, wadanda suka tsira daga kisan gillar sun sake dawowa gida hudu bayan shekaru.

Daya daga cikin manyan dalilai da ke bayyana kuskuren da rashin fahimta game da yaki shine rashin tunanin wadanda suka shiga cikin shirinta da kisa. [12] Ba su lura da yadda ci gaba a fasahar makamai ba - wato, karuwar wutar fire ta hanyar bindigogi - ya sanya batutuwan gargajiya a cikin wadanda ba su da yawa. Yawancin ci gaba a fagen yaki ba zai yiwu ba, kuma dakarun za su yi nuni a cikin rami, hakan zai haifar da rikici. Gaskiyar yaki, abin da ya zama - viz. kisan gillar masana'antu - za a bayyana kawai yayin da yakin yake faruwa (har ma har yanzu shugabannin sun yi jinkirin yin koyi, kamar yadda aka rubuta a cikin sashin janar janar, Janar Douglas Haig).

Duk da haka, a cikin 1898, shekaru goma sha biyar kafin a fara yakin, dan kasuwa na Rasha da Rasha da kuma sahun zaman lafiya na zamani, Jan Bloch (1836-1902), sun yi jayayya a cikin nazarin nazarin 6 na annabci game da yaki na nan gaba cewa wannan zai zama yaki kamar babu sauran. "Daga cikin babban yaki mai zuwa wanda zai iya magana game da Rendez-vous tare da mutuwarsa" ya rubuta a farkon gabatarwar babban aikin Jamus. [13] Ya yi jayayya da nuna cewa irin wannan yaki ya zama "ba zai yiwu ba" - ba zai yiwu ba, wato, sai dai a farashin kashe kansa. Wannan shine hakikanin abin da yakin, lokacin da yazo, ya kasance: kashe kansa na Turai, wanda ya hada da rushewar mulkin Austrian-Hungarian, Ottoman, Romanov da Wilhelmin. Lokacin da ya ƙare, yakin ya ƙare duniya kamar yadda mutane suka san shi. An taƙaita wannan a cikin lakabi na abin tunawa mai kyau na wanda ya tsaya a saman yakin, masanin Austrian Stefan Zweig: Duniya na Jiya[14]

Wadannan 'yan kwalliya (wanda Zweig ya kasance daya, ko da yake bai shiga cikin zaman lafiya ba), wanda yake so ya hana ƙasashensu su zama masu lalacewa a yaki, kasancewa' yan kasa ne na gaskiya, amma sau da yawa ana bi da su da abin kunya kuma an kore su a matsayin masu fata na gaskiya, mahaukaci, masu tsoro da ma masu cin hanci. Amma ba su kasance irin wannan ba. Sandi E. Cooper ya sa ya yi nazari game da zaman lafiya a gaban yakin duniya na farko: Ƙaƙwantarwa Pacifism: War Waging a War a Turai, 1815-1914.[15] Idan duniyar ta dauki mafi girma gameda sakon su, to ba a iya kawar da wannan masifa ba. Kamar yadda Karl Holl, dan yaren tarihin zaman lafiya na Jamus, ya lura a cikin gabatarwarsa game da kyakkyawan tsarin zaman lafiya a cikin harshen Jamusanci: "Mafi yawan bayanai game da tashin hankali na tarihi zai nuna masu shakka game da yadda Turai za ta an dakatar da su, idan gargadi na masu cin zarafi ba su fadi akan wasu kunnuwa ba, kuma suna da manufofi da shawarwari game da tsarin da aka tsara a cikin tsarin siyasa da diplomasiyya. [16]

Idan, kamar yadda Holl ya ba da shawara sosai, fahimtar kasancewar da kuma nasarori na gudanar da zaman lafiya a gaban yakin duniya na farko ya kamata ya jawo hankalin masu sukar tawali'u, ya kamata a lokaci guda kuma ya karfafawa magajin wannan yunkurin karfafawa. . Don sake faɗar Holl: 'Tabbatar da cewa za a tsaya a kan kafadar waɗanda suka riga su, wanda, duk da rashin amincewa ko rashin tausayi ga waɗanda suke tare da su, sunyi tsayayya da amincewar su, za su sa zaman lafiya a yau ya fi ƙarfin tsayayya da gwaji da yawa. zama abin ƙyama '. [17]

Don ƙara lalacewa don rauni, wadannan 'masu gaba na makomar' (a cikin kalmomin Romain Rolland) ba a ba su dalili ba. Ba mu tuna da su; ba su cikin tarihinmu kamar yadda aka koya a litattafan makaranta; Babu siffofi a gare su, kuma ba a bi da tituna ba. Abin da ke gani daya gefe na tarihin da muke aika wa al'ummomi na gaba! Yana da yawa godiya ga kokarin masana tarihi kamar Karl Holl da abokan aikinsa waɗanda suka taru a cikin Rundunar Tarihi na Tarihi na Tarihi (Arbeitskreis Historische Friedensforschung), cewa an wanzu da Jamusanci daban-daban a cikin 'yan shekarun nan. [18] A wannan haɗin zan kuma so in ba da haraji ga gidan jarida da aka kafa a Bremen ta tarihi mai tarihi Helmut Donat. Mun gode masa, yanzu muna da ɗakunan karatu na tarihin ilimin lissafi da kuma sauran nazarin game da tarihin zaman lafiya na Jamus na kwanakin farko na 1914 da kuma lokaci. Asalin gidansa mai ban sha'awa ne mai ban sha'awa: Baza a iya samun mai wallafa labarinsa na Hans Paasche - mai kula da halayen ruwa da kuma mulkin mallaka wanda ya zama mai sukar lamarin tashin hankali na Jamus da wanda aka kashe shi a cikin 1920 - Donat ya wallafa Littafin kansa (1981), na farko daga cikin mutane da dama ya bayyana a cikin Donat Verlag. [19] Abin baƙin ciki, tun da kaɗan an fassara wannan littafi a cikin harshen Turanci, bai taɓa rinjayar fahimtar ba, a fadin Birtaniya, wata ƙasa da mutane sun ragu a cikin 'yan tawayen Prussian, kuma ba tare da motsi ba.

Har ila yau, a sauran wurare, musamman a Amurka, masana tarihi na zaman lafiya sun taru a cikin shekaru hamsin da suka gabata (wanda ya motsa da yaki ta Vietnam) don haka tarihin zaman lafiya ya kara rubuce-rubuce - samar da ba cikakkun asusun gaskiya ba, gaskiya, da gaskiya game da tarihin yaki da zaman lafiya, amma kuma samar da wani shiri ga masu gwagwarmaya da zaman lafiya a yau. Wani muhimmin abu a cikin wannan aikin shi ne Binciken Halitta na Shugabannin Gudanar da Zaman Lafiya na yau, kuma abin da za a iya gani a matsayin abokin abokin tarayya ga Donat-Holl Lexikon, yana fadada ikonsa ga dukan duniya.

Na riga mun jaddada cewa, a lokacin tunawa da yakin duniya na farko, ya kamata mu maida hankalinmu ga abubuwan da suka haifar da yakin kuma, na biyu, ya kamata su tuna kuma su girmama wadanda suke, a cikin shekarun da suka gabata kafin 1914, suka yi kokari sosai don kawo duniya wadda za a dakatar da aikin yaki. Mafi girma sani da kuma koyar da tarihin zaman lafiya ba kawai kyawawa ba ne, ga mahimmanci, ga dalibai da matasa, amma ya kara wa al'umma gaba daya. Abubuwan da za a iya kawo ra'ayinsu da suka fi dacewa game da tarihin - kuma, musamman, don girmama abokan adawar yaki - kada su kasance ba su halarci bukukuwan da aka yi wa wadanda ke fama da yakin basirar ba a Turai da ko'ina cikin duniya.

3. Heroes na wadanda ba kisan ba

Mun zo yanzu a kan la'akari na TAKIYA. Game da yakin duniya na farko, ya kamata mu yi tambaya game da yadda sakaci da jahilci (a wasu sassa na gaba) daga waɗanda suka yi gargadin yaki, kuma suka yi ƙoƙari su hana shi, da miliyoyin sojoji suka rasa rayukansu a cikin wannan masifa. Shin mafi yawansu ba su da tsammanin cewa al'umma za ta fi girma fiye da dukan ƙwaƙwalwar waɗanda suke so su hana kisan gillar? Shin ceton rayuwa ba mafi daraja da jariri fiye da shan rayuwa? Kada mu mancewa: Sojoji, bayanan, an horar da su don su kashe su, kuma idan aka fada musu da harsashin abokin adawar, wannan shine sakamakon da ya dace da aikin da suka shiga, ko aka tilasta su shiga. A nan, ya kamata mu sake maimaita Andrew Carnegie, wanda ya ƙi cin zarafi na yaki, kuma wanda ya yi ciki kuma ya kafa 'Hero Fund' don girmama '' yan jarida na wayewa 'wanda ya bambanta da' 'yan jarida na barbarism'. Ya fahimci irin matsalar da jaruntakar da ke tattare da yaduwar jini a yakin, kuma ya so ya jawo hankali ga wanzuwar kyawawan dabi'u. Ya so ya girmama magoya bayan fararen hula wadanda, wani lokaci suna fuskantar haɗari da kansu, sun ceci rayuka - ba tare da halayyar su hallaka su ba. Da farko ya kafa a garin Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania a 1904, a shekarun baya ya kafa kudade na Hero a cikin kasashe goma na Turai, mafi yawansu sun yi bikin karni na shekaru a cikin 'yan shekarun baya [20]. A Jamus, a cikin 'yan shekarun nan an yi ƙoƙari don rayar da ita Carnegie Stiftung da Lebensretter.

A wannan halayen yana da muhimmanci a ambaci aikin Glenn Paige da Cibiyar Kasuwanci ta Duniya (CGNK) da ya kafa a Jami'ar Hawaii 25 shekaru da suka gabata. [21] Wannan tsohuwar Jagoran Koriya, da kuma jagorancin masanin kimiyya, ya jaddada cewa bege da bangaskiya ga bil'adama da halayyar mutum suna da iko su canza al'umma a manyan hanyoyi. Ganin mutum a kan wata ya kasance mai tsammanin rashin mafarki ne amma ya zama da gaske a zamaninmu lokacin da hangen nesa, ƙarfin zuciya da haɗin gwiwar mutum ya haɗu don ya yiwu. Gudanar da hankali ya nuna cewa za a iya samun canji na duniya ba tare da wata hanya ba, idan mun yi imani da shi, kuma mun ƙudura su kawo shi. Amincewa da shekaru hudu, kashe-kashen da aka yi a kan sikelin masana'antu, bai isa ba kuma ba shi da gaskiya idan ya ƙi yin la'akari da muhimmancin tambayar da CGNK ke yi, wato, 'Yaya muke zuwa cikin' yan adam? ' Duk da yake ci gaba da kimiyya da fasaha yana da girma, yaƙe-yaƙe, kisan kai da kisan gillar ci gaba da ci gaba. Tambayar da ake bukata da yiwuwar wanda ba a kashe jama'a ba a duniya ya kamata ya karbi mafi girman fifiko a wannan lokaci.

4. Rushewar makaman nukiliya

HAUSA, alamun tunawa da yakin duniya na farko da aka iyakance ga tunawa da girmamawa ga wadanda suka mutu a ciki (a lokacin da suka kashe), ya zama daya kadai, kuma watakila ba mahimmanci ba, abin tunawa. Mutuwar miliyoyin, da kuma wahalar da yawa (ciki har da waɗanda suka yi mummunan rauni, ko ta jiki ko hankalinsu, ko duka biyu, ciki har da marasa gwauraye da mata marayu), zai kasance da ɗan yarda idan yakin da ya haifar da babban hasara da baƙin ciki yakin ya kawo karshen yakin. Amma wannan ya nuna cewa ba haka ba ne.

Menene sojoji da suka rasa ransu a yakin duniya na farko sun ce zasu koma yau, kuma idan sun ga cewa, maimakon kawo karshen yakin, yakin da aka fara a 1914 ya haifar da mafi girma, kusan shekaru ashirin bayan karshen na yakin duniya na? An tunatar da ni game da wasan kwaikwayon mai wallafawa, mai suna Irwin Shaw, wanda aka kira Ku binne Matattu. Da farko aka yi a New York City a watan Maris 1936, a cikin wannan gajeren lokaci, wasan kwaikwayo guda guda, sojoji shida da aka kashe a cikin yaki ba za a binne su ba. [22] Suna yin makoki game da abin da ya faru da su - rayukansu sun takaice, matansu mata sun mutu , 'ya'yansu marayu. Kuma duk ga abin da - don 'yan yadudduka na laka, ɗaya mai raɗaɗi ne. Rundunar da ke tsaye a cikin kaburburan da aka haƙa a gare su, sun ki yarda su kwanta kuma su shiga tsakani - ko da a lokacin da aka umarce su su yi haka ne ta hanyar manyan 'yan majalisa, daya daga cikinsu ya ce a cikin damuwa,' Ba su taba yin wani abu ba game da irin wannan abu a West Point. ' Rundunar War, ta sanar da mummunar halin da ake ciki, ta haramta labarin daga kasancewa da aka watsa. A ƙarshe, kuma a matsayin ƙoƙari na karshe, matan matacce, ko budurwa, ko uwa, ko 'yar'uwa, an kira su don su je kaburbura don su rinjayi mazajensu su bari a binne su. Ɗaya daga cikin rahotanni, 'Wataƙila akwai da yawa daga cikinmu a kasa a yanzu. Watakila ƙasa bata iya tsayawa ba ". Ko da wani firist wanda ya gaskanta cewa shaidan ya mallaki mutane kuma wanda ya aikata aikin ƙaura bai iya sa sojoji su kwanta ba. A ƙarshe, gawawwakin suna tafiya daga mataki don yin tafiya a duniya, suna nuna rashin amincewa da rashin gaskiya na yaki. (An wallafa marubucin, a baya, lokacin da aka yi amfani da tsoro a McCarthy, kuma ya tafi gudun hijira a Turai don 25 shekaru).

Ina tsammanin daidai ne a ɗauka cewa wadannan sojoji shida za su kasance ko da yawa shirye-shiryen dakatar da muryar su (da gawawwakin) don nuna rashin amincewa da yaki idan sun fahimci sababbin abubuwa, amfani, da kuma yaduwar makaman nukiliya. Zai yiwu shi ne hibakusha, wadanda suka tsira daga hare-haren ta'addanci na Hiroshima da Nagasaki a watan Agustan 1945, wanda a yau ya fi kama da wadannan sojoji. A hibakusha (wanda lambobi suka raguwa da sauri saboda tsufa) sun kubuta daga mutuwa a yakin. Ga yawancin su, jahannama da suke cikin, da kuma tsananin tsananin jiki da tunani wanda ya shafi rayukansu, sun kasance da wahala saboda tsayayyar da suke da ita na kawar da makaman nukiliya da na yaki. Sai kawai wannan ya ba ma'ana ga rayukansu. Duk da haka, dole ne ya zama babban fushi da baƙin ciki a gare su cewa, har ma shekaru saba'in bayan haka, duniya ta ci gaba da yin watsi da kiransu - 'Babu Hiroshima ko Nagasaki, ba makaman nukiliya ba, ba kuma yaki ba!' Bugu da ƙari kuma, ba abin damuwa ba ne a cikin wannan lokaci, kwamitin Norwegian na Nobel bai ga ya cancanci a ba da lambar yabo guda ɗaya ga babban ƙungiyar hibakusha da nufin kawar da makaman nukiliya? Nobel na san duk abin da ya faru da fashewar makamai, da kuma ganin makamai na rikice-rikicen mutane da kuma jin tsoron dawowa zuwa cin zarafin idan ba a kawar da yaki ba. A hibakusha su ne shaidar shaida na wannan barbarci.

Tun da 1975 kwamitin Nobel a Oslo ya yi kama da wata al'adar da ta ba da lambar kyauta ga warwarewar nukiliya a cikin shekaru goma bayan: a 1975 kyautar ya tafi Andrei Sakharov, a 1985 zuwa IPPNW, a 1995 zuwa Joseph Rotblat da Pugwash, a 2005 zuwa Mohamed ElBaradei da IAEA. Irin wannan kyauta ne ya sake sakewa a shekara ta gaba (2015) kuma ya bayyana kamar alama-ism. Wannan shi ne mafi ban mamaki, kuma ba a yarda ba, idan mun yarda da ra'ayi, da aka ambata a baya, cewa kyautar da aka yi nufin kasancewa ɗaya ne don rushewa. Idan ta kasance da rai a yau, Bertha von Suttner zai yi kira da littafinta, Rare Ka Nuclear Arms. Hakika, wani daga cikin rubuce-rubucensa game da yaki da zaman lafiya yana da nauyin haɗakarwa sosai a cikin zamani: A cikin 'Barbarisation na Sky' ta yi bayanin cewa mummunar yaki za ta sauko daga sama idan har yanzu ba a dakatar da makamai ba. [23] Yau, yawancin wadanda ke fama da yakin basasa sun hada da Gernika, Coventry, Cologne, Dresden, Tokyo, Hiroshima, Nagasaki, da kuma sauran wurare a fadin duniya waɗanda suka fuskanci mummunan yakin basasa.

Duniya ta ci gaba da rayuwa mai hatsarin gaske. Canjin yanayi yana nuna sababbin hatsari. Amma har ma wadanda suka musanta cewa mutum ne ya yi ba zai iya ƙaryata cewa makaman nukiliya ne mutum ba, da kuma cewa makaman nukiliya zai kasance cikin aikin mutum. Ba za a iya dakatar da shi ba ta hanyar ƙoƙarin ƙaddamar da makaman nukiliya. Wannan ba kawai abin da hankali da halin kirki suke fada ba, har ma da adalci da dokokin duniya. Tsarin daka da munafunci na makamashin nukiliya, da farko da kuma Amurka, Birtaniya, da Faransa, suna da ban mamaki da kunya. Masu sanya hannu kan yarjejeniyar hana nukiliya ta Nukiliya (sanya hannu a 1968, suna zuwa cikin karfi a 1970), suna ci gaba da watsi da wajibi ne su yi shawarwari da bangaskiya mai kyau na rushewar makaman nukiliya. A akasin wannan, dukkansu suna cikin haɓakawa da su, suna ɓatar da miliyoyi marasa amfani. Wannan shi ne rashin warware ka'idoji da suka kasance waɗanda aka tabbatar a cikin shawarar na 1996 na kotun duniya na shari'a game da 'Shari'a na Barazana ko Amfani da Makaman Nuclear' [24]

Ana iya jaddada cewa rashin tausayi da jahiliyya na yawan jama'a shine laifi ga wannan yanayin. Kungiyoyi na kasa da kasa da kungiyoyi don warwarewar nukiliya suna jin dadin goyon baya ga kananan ƙananan jama'a. Kyautar ta, akai-akai, kyautar zaman lafiya na Nobel, don kawar da makaman nukiliya, zai haifar da ci gaba da haskakawa game da wannan batu, tare da bayar da ƙarfafawa da amincewa ga masu gwagwarmaya. Wannan shine, fiye da 'girmamawa', wanda shine ainihin muhimmancin kyautar.

A daidai wannan lokaci, alhakin da alhakin gwamnatoci da dakarun siyasa da soja sun bayyana. Wadannan makaman nukiliya guda biyar wadanda mambobi ne na kwamitin sulhu na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya sun ki yarda da su shiga cikin taro kan abubuwan da suka shafi agaji na makaman nukiliya da aka shirya a watan Maris na 2013 ta gwamnatin Norwegian da kuma a watan Fabrairun 2014 da Gwamnatin Mexico. Suna jin tsoron cewa wadannan tarurruka zasu haifar da buƙatar tattaunawa game da makaman nukiliya. A cikin sanarwar taron na gaba a Vienna daga bisani a wannan shekara, Ministan Harkokin Wajen Austria Sebastian Kurz ya lura, 'Wani ra'ayi wanda ya danganci lalacewar duniya bai kamata a samu a cikin 21 ba.^st arni na ... Wannan jawabin yana da muhimmanci sosai a Turai, inda yakin basasa ya ci gaba da kasancewa cikin ka'idodin tsaro. "[25] Ya kuma ce: 'Ya kamata mu yi amfani da tunawa [na yakin duniya na] don yin ƙoƙari don motsawa da makaman nukiliya. , mafi haɗari na asali na 20^th karni '. Ya kamata mu ji wannan daga ministocin kasashen waje na makaman nukiliya - ba a kalla ba ne Birtaniya da Faransa waɗanda yawancin su suka sha wahala sosai a cikin wannan yaki ba. Kwamitin Tsaron Tsaro na Nuclear, wanda aka yi a watan Maris na 2014 a Hague, an yi amfani da shi wajen kare ta'addanci na nukiliya a duniya. Abubuwan da ke faruwa a hankali sun yi la'akari da cewa ba za suyi la'akari da hakikanin halin barazanar da makaman nukiliya da kayan makamashin nukiliya ke wakilta ba. Wannan shi ne m, an ba da wannan taron ne a Hague, wani gari da aka yi da gangan don kawar da makaman nukiliya na duniya (kamar yadda kotun babban kotun Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta umarta a Hague).

5. Ƙungiyar 'yanci da ƙungiyar soja-masana'antu

Bari mu zo da tunani guda biyar. Muna kallon shekaru 100 daga 1914 zuwa 2014. Bari mu dakata na dan lokaci kuma mu tuna da wani labari wanda yake daidai a tsakiyar, bn. 1964, wanda shine 50 shekaru da suka wuce. A wannan shekarar, Martin Luther King, Jr., ya karbi lambar yabo ta Nobel ta Duniya. Ya gan shi a matsayin sanannun rashin zaman lafiya a matsayin 'amsa ga muhimmancin siyasa da halin kirki na zamaninmu - da bukatar mutum ya ci nasara da zalunci da tashin hankali ba tare da yin rikici da zalunci' ba. Ya karbi kyautar don jagorancin sabanin 'yancin' yancin bil'adama, wanda ya fara ne a lokacin da ya tashi daga jirgin saman Montgomery (Alabama) a watan Disamba na 1955. A jawabinsa na Nobel (11)^th Disamba 1964), Sarki ya bayyana halin da mutum ke ciki, wato. 'Mahimmancinmu mun zama wadataccen abu, matalauta mun zama dabi'a da kuma ruhaniya'. [26] Ya ci gaba da gano manyan matsalolin da suka shafi manyan matsalolin da suka hada da 'halayyar mutum' ': racism, talauci, da yaki / militarism. A cikin 'yan shekarun da suka rage a hannunsa kafin a kashe shi da wani harsashi mai suna 1968, ya ƙara fadada maganganu game da yaki da kuma militarism, musamman yaki a Vietnam. Daga cikin maganganun da na fi so daga wannan babban annabi da mai gwagwarmaya, 'Wars ne matalauta masu kwalliya don sassaƙa salama', kuma 'Mun shiryar da makamai masu linzami da kuma ɓatar da mutane'. Yarjejeniyar yaki da yakin yaki na sarki ya ƙare a cikin jawabinsa mai karfi, mai suna Bayan Vietnam, an bayar da shi a cikin Riverside Church a Birnin New York a kan 4^th Afrilu 1967.

Da kyautar kyautar Nobel, ya ce, 'an ba ni wani nauyin nauyin nauyin:' kyautar 'kuma ita ce kwamiti ... don aiki da wuya fiye da na taɓa yin aiki kafin' yan 'yan uwantaka'. Da yake faɗar abin da ya faɗa a Oslo, ya yi magana game da 'ƙwayar wariyar wariyar launin fata, matsananciyar jari-hujja, da kuma militarism'. Game da wannan batu, ya ce ba zai iya yin shiru ba kuma ya kira kansa gwamnati "mafi girma na tashin hankali a duniya a yau." [27] Ya soki 'mummunan girman kai na Yamma wanda ya shafe yanayi na duniya don haka '. Maganarsa ita ce "yaki ba amsa ba ne", kuma 'Kasar da ta ci gaba da shekara ta kowace shekara don ciyar da kudaden kudi a kan tsaron soja fiye da shirye-shiryen zamantakewar al'umma yana gabatowa mutuwar ruhaniya'. Ya yi kira ga "juyin juya halin gaskiya" wanda ya buƙaci cewa "kowace al'umma dole ne yanzu ta ci gaba da nuna goyon baya ga 'yan adam." [28]

Akwai wadanda suka ce ba daidai ba ne cewa daidai shekara daya zuwa rana bayan haka, an harbi ML King. Tare da jawabinsa na yaki da yaki a Birnin New York, da kuma hukuncin da gwamnatin Amurka ta kasance a matsayin 'mafi girma na tashin hankali' a duniya, ya fara harkar yakin da ya yi na nuna rashin amincewar da ya yi a kan batun kare hakkin bil adama kuma ya yi barazanar barazana ga abubuwan da suka dace. . Kwanan nan mafi kyau za a iya taƙaitawa a cikin kalmar "ƙungiyar soja-masana'antu" [MIC], wanda shugaban Dwight D. Eisenhower ya yi a cikin jawabinsa na ban sha'awa a cikin Janairu 1961. [29] A cikin wannan gargaɗin da kuma gargaɗin annabci kawai, Eisenhower ya bayyana cewa 'babbar rundunonin sojoji da manyan masana'antar makamai' sun fito ne a matsayin sabon salo a cikin harkokin siyasar Amurka. Ya ce, 'A cikin majalisa na gwamnati, dole ne mu yi watsi da samun karfin basirar ... ta hanyar aikin soja-masana'antu. Rashin yiwuwar mummunar tashiwar rashin iko ya kasance kuma zai ci gaba '. Gaskiyar cewa shugaban kasa mai mulki yana da soja - shi ne dan shekaru biyar a sojojin Amurka a lokacin yakin duniya na biyu, kuma ya zama babban kwamandan Kwamandan Kwamandan Soja a Turai (NATO) - ya yi gargadinsa duka mafi girma. Ya zuwa ƙarshen jawabinsa mai ban sha'awa, Eisenhower ya gargadi Amurka cewa 'ƙaddamarwa' shi ne ci gaba mai muhimmanci '.

Ba a kula da gargadinsa ba, kuma cewa hatsarori da ya kira da hankali sun karu, ya kasance a fili a yau. Masu bincike masu yawa na MIC sun ce Amurka ba ta da yawa da MIC kamar yadda duk kasar ta zama daya. [30] MIC yanzu ta ƙunshi Congress, Academia, Media, da kuma Nishaji, kuma wannan fadada ikonsa da tasiri shi ne alamar nuna bunkasa yawan al'ummar Amurka. . Ana nuna shaidar tabbatar da wannan gamsu game da gaskiyar irin waɗannan:

* Pentagon shine mafi yawan mabukaci na duniya;

* Pentagon ita ce mafi girma a cikin ƙasa, mai magana da kansa a matsayin 'daya daga cikin' 'yan kasuwa' 'mafi girma a duniya', tare da game da asusun soja na 1,000 da kuma kayan aiki a kasashen waje fiye da kasashe na 150;

* Pentagon yana da lasisi 75% na dukan gine-gine na tarayya a Amurka;

* Pentagon ita ce 3^rd mafi girma na tarayya na neman ilimi na jami'a a Amurka (bayan kiwon lafiya, da kimiyya). [31]

Sanarwar ne cewa ƙaddamar da makamai na shekara-shekara na Amurka ya zarce kasashe goma sha biyu ko kasashe goma sha biyu. Wannan shi ne hakika, don ƙaddamar da Eisenhower, 'rashin lalacewa', da hauka, da haukacin haɗari a wannan. Dole ne ya zama abin ƙyama ga ƙaddamar da ƙaddarar da ya ƙayyade. Wannan shi ne mafi girma yayin da mutum yayi la'akari da cewa yana magana ne a lokacin Yakin Cold, lokacin da ake ganin gurguzu a matsayin babbar barazana ga Amurka da kuma sauran duniya kyauta. Ƙarshen Yakin Cold da rushewar Soviet Union da daularsa ba su damu da fadada karfin MIC ba, wanda dakarunsa suka kewaye duniya baki daya.

Ta yaya aka fahimci wannan duniyar a cikin sakamakon binciken da aka gudanar a shekara ta 2013 na Ƙarshen Shekara ta Duniya ta Gida ta Duniya (WIN) da kuma Gallup International wanda ya ƙunshi 68,000 mutanen 65. [32] A amsa to wannan tambaya, 'Wace ƙasa kake tsammani ita ce mafi girma barazana ga zaman lafiya a duniya a yau?', Amurka ta zo ne ta farko, ta hanyar karbar 24% na kuri'un da aka jefa. Wannan daidai yake da kuri'un da aka haɗu don kasashe hudu masu zuwa: Pakistan (8%), China (6%), Afghanistan (5%) da kuma Iran (5%). A bayyane yake cewa fiye da shekaru goma sha biyu bayan kaddamar da abin da ake kira 'yakin duniya game da ta'addanci', Amurka ta bayyana cewa yana da mummunar ta'addanci a zukatan mutane da dama a duniya. Martin Luther King, Jr. ta kasancewa mai ƙarfin hali da kuma yanke hukuncin da gwamnati ta kasance a matsayin "mafi girma daga tashin hankali a duniya a yau" (1967) yanzu yanzu, kusan shekaru hamsin daga baya, mutane da yawa suka raba su a duniya.

Bugu da} ari, an samu} arfin ha] in kan bindigogi da 'yan} asa ke yi, a {asar Amirka, na yin amfani da' yancin su (wanda ke adawa da shi), don ɗaukar makamai a karkashin Tsarin Mulki na Biyu. Tare da bindigogi 88 ga kowane 100 mutane, kasar tana da nisa mafi girman yawan mallakar gungun a duniya. Cikin al'adun tashin hankali yana da alamar zama a cikin al'ummar Amurka a yau, kuma abubuwan da suka faru na 9 / 11 sun kara matsalolin matsala. Martin Luther King, Jr., dalibi da mabiya Mahatma Gandhi, sun nuna ikon da ba a yi ba a cikin jagorancinsa na jagorancin 'yancin bil adama a Amurka. {Asar Amirka na da mahimmanci da bukatar sake ganowa, kamar yadda India ke buƙatar sake gano Gandhi. An tunatar da ni da amsar amsar Gandhi ya ba dan jarida a lokacin da yake ziyara a Ingila a lokacin 1930s, an tambaye shi abin da yake tunani game da wayewar yammaci. Gandhi ya amsa bai amsa dashi ba, 80 shekaru baya, akasin haka. Gandhi ya amsa ya ce, 'Ina tsammanin zai zama kyakkyawan ra'ayi'. Kodayake ainihin wannan labarin yana jayayya, yana da sautin gaskiya - Ba abin da ya faru, e ben trovato.

Yamma, da kuma sauran duniya, za su kasance da yawa cikin wayewa idan yakin - 'tsinkayar da aka yi a kan wayewarmu' a cikin maganar Andrew Carnegie - an soke shi. Lokacin da ya ce haka, Hiroshima da Nagasaki har yanzu suna biranen Japan kamar kowa. A yau, dukkanin duniya suna barazanar ci gaba da yaki da sababbin kayan kisa da ya haifar da ci gaba. Tsohon tsofaffin kalmomi na Roman, idan vis tsarin, para bellum, dole ne a maye gurbin da maganar da aka dangana ga Gandhi da Quakers: Babu hanya zuwa zaman lafiya, zaman lafiya shine hanya. Duniya tana yin addu'a don zaman lafiya, amma biya don yaki. Idan muna so zaman lafiya, dole ne mu zuba jari a cikin zaman lafiya, kuma hakan yana nufin gaba da gaba a cikin zaman lafiya. Har yanzu ana iya ganin yadda babban kudaden jari a gidajen kayan gargajiya da kuma nune-nunen abubuwa, da kuma shirye-shiryen da ba a bayyana ba game da babban yakin (kamar yadda yake a yanzu a Birtaniya amma kuma a wasu wurare), yana da ilimin ilmantarwa da kuma goyon bayan ɓarna, ba kisan ba , abolition na makaman nukiliya. Sai kawai irin wannan hangen nesa zai tabbatar da shirye-shiryen tunawa da yawa (da kuma tsada).

Amincewa da karni na arba'in na yakin duniya na farko a cikin shekaru hudu masu zuwa yana samar da zaman lafiya da dama da dama don inganta al'adun zaman lafiya da rashin zaman lafiya wanda, kawai, zai iya kawo duniya ba tare da yakin ba.

Babu wanda ya yi kuskure mafi girma fiye da wanda bai yi komai ba saboda yana iya yin ɗan abu kaɗan. -Edmund Burke

 

Peter van den Dungen

Haɗin kai don zaman lafiya, 11^th Taron Yarjejeniyar Taron Gida, 21-22 Fabrairu 2014, Cologne-Riehl

bude jawabinsa

(bita, 10^th Maris 2014)

 

[1] Cikakken rubutu na magana yana nan a www.gov.uk/government/speeches/speech-at-imperial-war-museum-on-first-world-war-centenary-plans

[2] cikakkun bayanai a www.bbc.co.uk/mediacentre/latestnews/2013/world-war-one-centenary.html

[3] cikakkun bayanai a www.iwm.org.uk/centenary

[4] 'Shin 1914 ne gaba ɗaya?', The Independent, 5^th Janairu 2014, p. 24.

[5] Cf. ta maganganu a cikin David Adesnik, 100 Years Impact - Magana game da Kyautun Carnegie na Kasa na Duniya. Washington, DC: CEIP, 2011, p. 5.

[6] Ibid., P. 43.

[7] www.demilitarize.org

[8] Memoirs na Bertha von Suttner. Boston: Ginn, 1910, kundi. 1, p. 343.

[9] Cf. Caroline E. Playne, Bertha von Suttner da gwagwarmaya don hana yakin duniya. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1936, kuma musamman kundin guda biyu wanda Alfred H. Fried ya shirya inda ya tattara ginshiƙan siyasa na yau da kullun na Suttner a Die Friedens-Warte (1892-1900, 1907-1914): Der Kampf um mutu Vermeidung des Weltkriegs. Zurich: Orell Fuessli, 1917.

[10] Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger-ABC-CLIO, 2010. Wani fassarar da aka sabunta kuma an sabunta shine fassarar Mutanen Espanya: Alfred Nobel na neman kyauta: Shin gaskiya ne na farko na Nobel de la Paz? Barcelona: Icaria, 2013.

[11] London: William Heinemann, 1910. Littafin ya sayar da fiye da miliyan guda, kuma an fassara shi cikin harshen 25. Fassarorin Jamus sun bayyana a ƙarƙashin sunayen sarauta Die grosse Taeuschung (Leipzig, 1911) da kuma Die falsche Rechnung (Berlin, 1913).

[12] Duba, misali, Paul Fussell, Babban Yakin da Memory na zamani. New York: Oxford University Press, 1975, shafi na 12-13.

[13] Johann von Bloch, Der Krieg. Ƙararrakin Werkes des Autors: Za a yi amfani da Krieg a kan takaddama, da kuma kundin tsarin mulki Bedeutung. Berlin: Puttkammer & Muehlbrecht, 1899, juzu'i. 1, shafi na XV. A cikin Turanci, bugun juzu'i ne kawai ya fito, mai taken daban-daban Is Yakin Ba a Yiwu ba? (1899), Makamai na zamani da yakin zamani (1900), da kuma Future of War (US eds.).

[14] London: Cassell, 1943. An wallafa littafin a Jamus a Stockholm a 1944 a matsayin Die Welt von Gestern: Erinnerungen eines Europaers.

[15] New York: Jami'ar Jami'ar Oxford, 1991.

[16] Helmut Donat & Karl Holl, eds., Die Friedensbewegung. Organisierter Pazifismus a Deutschland, Oesterreich und in der Schweiz. Duesseldorf: ECON Taschenbuchverlag, Hamisa Handlexikon, 1983, p. 14.

[17] Ibid.

[18] www.akhf.de. An kafa kungiyar a 1984.

[19] Domin bayanin tarihin na Paasche, duba shigarwa ta Helmut Donat a Harold Josephson, ed., Binciken Halitta na Shugabannin Gudanar da Zaman Lafiya na yau. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985, shafi na 721-722. Dubi yadda ya shiga Die Friedensbewegung, op. cit., pp. 297-298.

[20] www.carnegieherofunds.org

[21] www.nonkilling.org

[22] An buga rubutun a cikin New gidan wasan kwaikwayo (New York), kundi. 3, a'a. 4, Afrilu 1936, shafi na 15-30, tare da zane-zane na George Grosz, Otto Dix, da sauran masu zane-zane masu zanga-zanga.

[23] Die Barbarisierung der Luft. Berlin: Verlag der Friedens-Warte, 1912. Harshen kawai shi ne a cikin harshen Jafananci, wanda aka buga kwanan nan a lokacin 100 na rubutun^th ranar tunawa: Osamu Itoigawa & Mitsuo Nakamura, 'Bertha von Suttner: "Die Barbarisierung der Luft"', shafi na 93-113 a Littafin Journal of Aichi Gakuin University - Humanities and Sciences (Nagoya), kundi. 60, a'a. 3, 2013.

[24] Domin cikakken rubutu duba Kotun Kasa ta Duniya, 1995-1996 Yearbook. Hague: ICJ, 1996, shafi na 212-223, da Ved P. Nanda & David Krieger, Makaman nukiliya da Kotun Duniya. Ardsley, New York: Masu Gudanar da Ƙasa, 1998, shafi na 191-225.

[25] Labarin cikakkun bayanai, wanda Ma'aikatar Harkokin Waje ta Vienna ta fitar a kan 13^th Fabrairu 2014, za a iya samu a www.abolition2000.org/?p=3188

[26] Martin Luther King, 'The Quest for Peace and Justice', shafi na 246-259 a Nobel Nobel a 1964. Stockholm: Impr. Royale PA Norstedt don Kamfanin Nobel, 1965, a p. 247. Cf. Har ila yau www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1964/king-lecture.html

[27] Clayborne Carson, ed., The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr. London: Abacus, 2000. Duba musamman ch. 30, 'Bayan Vietnam', shafi na 333-345, a p. 338. A kan muhimmancin wannan magana, ga yadda Coretta Scott King, Rayuwa ta da Martin Luther King, Jr. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1970, ch. 16, shafi na 303-316.

[28] tarihin rayuwar, p. 341.

[29] www.eisenhower.archives.gov/research/online_documents/farewell_address/Reading_Copy.pdf

[30] Duba, alal misali, Nick Turse, Ƙungiyar: Ta yaya sojojin suka shiga rayuwarmu na yau da kullum. London: Faber & Faber, 2009.

[31] Ibid., Pp. 35-51.

[32] www.wake.com/web/files/services/33/file/33.pdf?1394206482