by Emanuel Pastreich, November 8, 2017
Watching the speeches of President Donald Trump and President Moon Jae-in in Seoul over the last few days gave me a sense of just how rotten the politics of both countries has grown. Trump spoke about his lavish golf course and the fine foods he had enjoyed, dwelling on sensual indulgence and pretending that the millions of underpaid and unemployed people in Korea and the United States do not exist. He spoke boastfully of the over-priced military equipment that South Korea had been compelled to purchase and indulged in praise for the Korean War so distant from the challenges faced by ordinary people. His talk was not even “America First.” It was unremitting “Trump first.”
And Moon did not challenge him or even chide him on a single point. No mention was made of Trump’s rabid racist language and its impact on Asians, or his discriminatory immigration policies. Nor was anything said about Trump’s war mongering and his reckless threats against North Korea, and even veiled threats against Japan in his recent speech in Tokyo. No, the working assumption behind the meetings was that the summit was to be a mechanical and trite grand guignol for the masses, combined with behind-the- scenes big business deals for the super rich.
The Korean media made it seem as all Americans, and most Koreans, supported the ridiculous and dangerous policies of Donald Trump, and legitimized his reactionary statements with abandon. One came away with the impression that it was perfectly fine for an American president to threaten preemptive nuclear war for North Korea’s testing of missiles (an action which is not in violation of international law) and nuclear weapons (which India did with American encouragement). I made a short speech to offer another vision for what the United States role in East Asia could be. I did so because I worried that many Koreans would come away from the Trump speech with the impression that all Americans were just as militant and brazenly profit-motivated.
Although Trump may be beating war drums to scare Japan and Korea into forking over billions of dollars for weapons they do not need or want, he and his regime are clearly playing an extremely dangerous game. There are forces deep in the military that are perfectly willing to launch a catastrophic war if it increases their power, and who think that only such a crisis can distract the people from the criminal actions of the United States government, and draw attention away from the looming catastrophe of climate change.
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“An Alternative role for the United States in East Asia.” – In response to Donald Trump’s speech at the National Assembly of Korea
by Emanuel Pastreich (Director The Asia Institute)
I am an American who has worked for over twenty years with Korean government, research institutes, universities, private industry and with ordinary citizens.
Acabem d’escoltar el discurs de Donald Trump, president dels Estats Units, a l’Assemblea Nacional de Corea. El president Trump va exposar una visió perillosa i insostenible per als Estats Units i per a Corea i Japó, un camí cap a la guerra i cap a conflictes socials i econòmics massius, tant nacionals com internacionals. La visió que ofereix és una combinació aterridora d’aïllament i militarisme, i fomentarà en altres nacions la política del poder implacable sense cap preocupació per a les generacions futures.
Before the US-Korea Security Treaty, there was the United Nations Charter, signed by the United States, Russia and China. The United Nations charter defined the role of the United States, China, Russia and other nations as the prevention of war, and an active effort to address the terrible economic inequity that leads to wars. Security must start there, with that vision for peace and for cooperation.
We need today the idealism of United Nations Charter, that vision for global peace after the horrors of the Second World War.
Donald Trump does not represent the United States, but rather a tiny group of the super-rich and members of the far right. But those elements have increased their control of my country’s government to a dangerous level, in part because of the passivity of so many citizens.
Però crec que nosaltres, el poble, podem reprendre el control del diàleg sobre seguretat, economia i societat. Si tenim creativitat i valentia, podem plantejar una visió diferent per a un futur inspirador.
Let us start with the issue of security. Koreans have been bombarded with reports about a nuclear attack from North Korea. This threat has been a justification for THAAD, for nuclear-powered submarines and any number of other expensive weapons systems that generate wealth for a small number of people. But do these weapons bring security? Security comes from vision, for cooperation and from courageous action. Security cannot be purchased. No weapons system will guarantee security.
Lamentablement, els Estats Units s'han negat a contractar diplomàticament Corea del Nord des de fa anys i la passivitat i l'arrogància nord-americanes ens han portat a aquesta situació perillosa. La situació és encara pitjor perquè l’administració de Trump ja no practica la diplomàcia. El Departament d’Estat ha estat despullat de tota l’autoritat i la majoria de nacions no saben on girar si volen comprometre's amb els Estats Units. La construcció de murs, vista i invisible, entre els Estats Units i el món és la nostra major preocupació.
God did not give the United States a mandate to remain in Asia forever. It is not only possible, but desirable, for the United States to cut down its military presence in region and to reduce its nuclear weapons, and conventional forces, as a first step towards creating a positive cycle that will improve relations with North Korea, China and Russia.
Les proves de míssils de Corea del Nord no són una violació del dret internacional. Més aviat, el Consell de Seguretat de les Nacions Unides ha estat manipulat per forces poderoses als Estats Units per donar suport a les posicions relatives a Corea del Nord que no tenen cap sentit.
El primer pas cap a la pau comença amb els Estats Units. Els Estats Units, el meu país, han de complir les seves obligacions en virtut del Tractat de no proliferació i començar de nou a destruir les seves armes nuclears i establir una data en un futur proper per a la destrucció total de totes les armes nuclears restants. Els perills de la guerra nuclear i dels nostres programes d'armes secrets s'han mantingut dels nord-americans. Si s’informa de la veritat, estic segur que els nord-americans recolzaran de manera aclaparadora la signatura del tractat de les Nacions Unides per prohibir les armes nuclears.
Hi ha hagut moltes converses descuidades sobre Corea i el Japó desenvolupant armes nuclears. Tot i que aquestes accions poden proporcionar una emoció a curt termini per a alguns, no aportaran cap tipus de seguretat. Xina ha conservat les seves armes nuclears sota 300 i estarà disposada a reduir-les encara més si els Estats Units estiguin compromesos amb el desarmament. Però Xina pot augmentar fàcilment el nombre d’armes nuclears a 10,000 si està amenaçat pel Japó o per Corea del Sud. La promoció del desarmament és l'única acció que pot augmentar la seguretat de Corea.
China must be an equal partner in any security framework for East Asia. If China, quickly emerging as the dominant global power, is left out of a security framework, that framework is guaranteed to be irrelevant. Moreover, Japan also must be included in any security framework. We must bring out the best of Japan’s culture, its expertise on climate change and its tradition of peace activism through such collaboration. The banner of collective security must not be used as a rallying call for ultranationalists dreaming of a “warrior Japan” but rather as a means of bringing out Japan’s best, its “better angels.”
We cannot leave Japan to itself. There is a real role for the United States in East Asia, but it is not concerned ultimately with missiles or tanks.
El paper dels Estats Units ha de ser transformat radicalment. Els Estats Units han de centrar-se a coordinar-se per respondre a l'amenaça del canvi climàtic. Hem de reinventar els militars i redefinir la "seguretat" amb aquesta finalitat. Aquesta resposta exigirà la cooperació, no la competència.
Aquest canvi en la definició de seguretat requereix valentia. Reinterpretar la missió de la marina, l'exèrcit, la força aèria i la comunitat d'informació per tal de centrar-se a ajudar els ciutadans a respondre al canvi climàtic i reconstruir la nostra societat serà un acte que exigirà una valentia increïble, potser més valent que lluitar en un camp de batalla. No tinc cap dubte que hi ha persones que tenen aquest tipus de valentia en els militars. Us convido a plantejar-vos i demanar que ens enfrontem a l'amenaça del canvi climàtic enmig d'aquesta grotesca negació massiva.
We must fundamentally alter our culture, our economy and our habits.
The former US head of the Pacific Command Admiral Sam Locklear declared that climate change is the overwhelming security threat and he was subject to constant attack. But our leaders should not see being popular as their job. I could care less how many selfies you take with students. Leaders must identify the challenges of our age and do everything in their power to address those dangers head on, even if that means tremendous self-sacrifice. As the Roman statesman Marcus Tullius Cicero once wrote:
“Unpopularity earned by doing what is right is glory.”
It may be painful for some corporations to give up multi-billion dollar contracts for aircraft carriers, submarines and missiles, but for the members of our military, however, to serve a clear role protecting our countries from the greatest threat in history will give them a new sense of duty and commitment. We also need arms limitation treaties, like those we established in Europe in the 1970s and 1980s.
They are only way to respond to next generation missiles and other weapons. New treaties and protocols must be negotiated for collective defensive systems to respond to the threat of drones, of cyber warfare and of emerging weapons.
També necessitem la valentia per assumir els sombríos actors no estatals que amenacen els nostres governs des de dins. Aquesta batalla serà la batalla més dura, però important.
Our citizens must know the truth. Our citizens are flooded with falsehoods in this internet age, denials of climate change, imaginary terrorist threats. This problem will require the commitment of all citizens to seek out the truth and not accept convenient lies. We cannot expect government or corporations to do this job for us. We must also make sure that the media sees its primary roles as conveying accurate and useful information to citizens, rather than the making of a profit.
The foundations for the United States-Korea cooperation must be grounded in exchanges between citizens, not weapons systems or massive subsidies for international corporations. We need exchanges between elementary schools, between local NGOs, between artists, writers and social workers, exchanges that extend over years, and over decades. We cannot rely on free trade agreements that benefit primarily corporations, and that damage our precious environment, to bring us together.
Més aviat cal establir un veritable "lliure comerç" entre els Estats Units i Corea. Això significa un comerç just i transparent que, jo i els nostres veïns, podem beneficiar directament de les nostres iniciatives i de la nostra creativitat. Necessitem comerç que sigui bo per a les comunitats locals. El comerç hauria de consistir principalment en la col·laboració i la cooperació globals entre les comunitats i la preocupació no hauria de ser la inversió massiva de capital, o amb economies d’escala, sinó amb la creativitat de les persones.
Finally, we must restore government to its proper position as an objective player that is responsible for the long term health of the nation and which is empowered to stand up to, and to regulate, corporations. Government must be capable of promoting projects in science and in infrastructure aimed at the true needs of our citizens in both countries, and should not focus on the short-term profits of a small number of private banks. Stock exchanges have their role, but they are marginal to the making of national policy.
L'època de la privatització de les funcions governamentals ha d'arribar a la seva fi. Hem de respectar els funcionaris que consideren que el seu paper és ajudar les persones i donar-los els recursos que necessiten. Tots hem de reunir per a la causa comuna de crear una societat més equitativa i hem de fer-ho ràpidament.
Com va escriure Confucio un cop: "Si la nació perd el seu camí, la riquesa i el poder seran coses vergonyoses de tenir." Treballem junts per crear una societat de Corea i dels Estats Units que puguem estar orgullosos.
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Emanuel Pastreich is Director of the Asia Institute
